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EN
In July 2011 the whole state of Peru celebrated 100th anniversary of the Inca city Machupicchu in the Department of Cusco. The preparations took a long time and involved the highest authorities of the Republic. Festivities, shows and fireworks that lighted up the sky over Cusco and Machupicchu on 7th July were only one part of the celebrations. In the background of the celebrations bitter questions were asked about what was it exactly that Peru celebrated? Archaeologists, journalists and residents of Cusco discredited achievements and working methods of American explorer Hiram Bingham, in the first place highlighting the role of Agustin Lizárraga – discoverer of Machupicchu from 1902. The debate that took place in the background of the anniversary celebrations was not limited only to the question who really deserves the honoured name of the discoverer. Some inhabitants of Cusco protested on Plaza de Armas against using the site of Machupicchu by some institutions from Lima that are driven only by financial profits. The anniversary has also been used by academic institutions to publicize the problem of inadequate protection of the Inca site and draw attention to threats, which brings excessive, uncontrolled tourism to Machupicchu.
EN
The study attempts to capture, in a comprehensive manner, various aspects associated with the presence of the Soviet military garrison in the Central Bohemian municipality of Milovice between 1968 and 1991. In doing so, it relies, to a considerable extent, on local, archival, and other sources. The author fi rst briefl y introduces the history of Milovice. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the town and its surroundings were substantially infl uenced by a unique military training facility in the quarter of Mladá, which was fi rst used by the Austro-Hungarian and then successively by the Czechoslovak, German, again Czechoslovak, and fi nally Soviet armies. Milovice therefore constitute a unique environment which is presently undergoing a transformation from an area burdened with decrepit military buildings and environmental contamination into a dynamically developing small town. A particularly interesting chapter in its history started after August 21, 1968, when the Soviet intervention army took over the local military training area and established not only a numerous garrison, but also the Headquarters of the Central Group of Forces there. Milovice thus became not just an exclusive and strictly guarded zone, but also a political symbol of the Soviet military presence in Czechoslovakia. The author focuses mainly on the evolution of relations between local inhabitants and members of the Soviet garrison (which included not only soldiers, but also families of offi cers and civilian workers), as well as on changes of the local environment and everyday life and consequences of the Soviet presence during the period mentioned above. He follows protests of locals against the Soviet invasion, their resentful reactions to the establishment of the Soviet garrison, and then the progress of the so-called normalization in the region of Milovice and in the district of Nymburk, characterized by changes of attitudes of local political bodies, party vetting, establishment of contacts with the Soviet Army, and manifestation visits of state and party offi cials. He describes in detail the problematic security situation in Milovice, with a lot of minor criminal offences and stricter police checks, serious environmental damage, in particular water and soil contamination by oil hydrocarbons, problems of local people with the supply of drinking water, food, and hard goods (but also popular shopping sprees of locals in better-than-average stocked Soviet shops), traffi c diffi culties, devastation of residential and public buildings and areas often caused by disrespect of regulations and rules of coexistence on the part of Soviet citizens. However, he also describes informal contacts of locals with the Soviet garrison, frequently for the purpose of illegal barter trade in goods in short supply, taking place in parallel to offi cial manifestations of the Czechoslovak-Soviet “friendship”. Complaints of local people about a variety of problems were a permanent phenomenon accompanying the Soviet presence; however, the powers-that-be dealt with them only formally, or not at all, and all efforts to seek remedy were useless.
CS
Studie se pokouší v ucelené podobě zachytit různé stránky spjaté s přítomností sovětské vojenské posádky ve středočeské obci Milovice v letech 1968 až 1991. Opírá se přitom do značné míry o lokální archivní a jiné prameny. Autor nejprve stručně představuje historii Milovic. Tato lokalita i s okolím byla od počátku dvacátého století významně modelována pod vlivem unikátního vojenského výcvikového prostoru v místní části Mladá, který sloužil postupně rakousko-uherské, československé, německé, znovu československé a nakonec sovětské armádě. Milovice tak tvoří ojedinělé prostředí, které v současnosti prochází přeměnou z oblasti zatížené chátrajícími vojenskými objekty a ekologickými škodami v dynamicky se rozvíjející menší město. Zvláště zajímavá kapitola tohoto místa se začala psát po 21. srpnu 1968, kdy intervenční Sovětská armáda převzala zdejší vojenský prostor a zřídila zde nejen početnou posádku, ale také sídlo Střední skupiny sovětských vojsk. Milovice se tak staly nejen prominentní a přísně střeženou zónou, ale i politickým symbolem sovětské vojenské přítomnosti v Československu.Autor se zaměřuje především na vývoj vztahů mezi místními obyvateli a příslušníky sovětské posádky (patřili k ní nejen vojáci, ale i rodiny důstojníků a civilní zaměstnanci), ale také na změny zdejšího prostředí i každodenního života a na důsledky sovětského pobytu v daném období. Sleduje protesty místních občanů proti sovětské invazi, jejich odmítavé reakce na usídlení sovětské posádky a poté postup takzvané normalizace na Milovicku a v nymburském okrese, vyznačující se změnou postojů místních politických orgánů a stranickými prověrkami, navazováním styků se Sovětskou armádou i manifestačními návštěvami oficiálních státních a stranických činitelů. Zevrubně popisuje problematickou bezpečnostní situaci v Milovicích s množstvím drobnějších kriminálních incidentů i zostřenou policejní kontrolou, vážné ekologické škody, zejména znečištění vodních zdrojů a půdy ropnými produkty, problémy obyvatel se zásobováním pitnou vodou, potravinami a průmyslovým zbožím (ale i oblíbené nákupy místních v nadstandardně zásobených sovětských prodejnách), dopravní komplikace, devastaci obytných a veřejných prostor, spojenou s častým nerespektováním předpisů a pravidel soužití ze strany sovětských občanů. Líčí ale také neformální kontakty domácích obyvatel se sovětskou posádkou, často za účelem nelegálního výměnného obchodu nedostatkového zboží, a vedle toho oficiální projevy československo-sovětské „družby“. Trvalým průvodním rysem sovětské přítomnosti byly stížnosti místních obyvatel na rozmanité problémy, které byly na příslušných místech řešeny většinou jen formálně nebo vůbec, a marná snaha o zjednání nápravy.
3
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Lęk polityki

100%
PL
Polityka jest jedną z najbardziej popularnych aktywności ludzkiej, ale gdy pytamy, czym ona jest, nie potrafimy jednoznacznie odpowiedzieć na to pytanie. W artykule przedstawione są różne koncepcje polityki od najbardziej dramatycznych, które wiążą ją z przemocą, do liberalnych, które w polityce widzą przede wszystkim dialog i konsens. Wniosek z tego przeglądu jest jeden. Nie możemy określić tego, czym polityka jest, zdani jesteśmy na niedopowiedzenia i wątpliwości. Nie możemy jednak też nie mówić o polityce, gdyż jest ona niezbywalnym elementem ludzkiej egzystencji.
EN
Politics is one of the most popular forms of human activity, but when we ask about its nature we are unable to give an unambiguous answer. The article presents assorted conception of politics, spanning from the most dramatic ones, which associate it with violence, to liberal ones that perceive in politics predominantly dialogue and consensus. There is only one conclusion to be drawn from this survey: we are unable to define what politics consists of and are doomed to doubts and understatement. On the other hand, we cannot stop talking about politics in view of the fact that it is an inalienable element of human existence.
4
85%
EN
The paper discusses the role of women in public life, in particular in the realm of politics. Surveys show that women do well in free market economies, where they rank quite highly in the European Union (35% of employers), whereas their participation in politics is considerably smaller. The paper presents the data on women participating in the highest bodies of representational authorities and local governments, as well as their achievements in the Women’s Parliamentary Group and their struggle to obtain parity on electoral ballots, concluded by winning a 35% quota.
EN
The main objective of the article is to describe the main trends in the reception of the Hispano-American poetry in Poland in the second half of the 20th century. The analysis carried out on the basis of the bibliographical data demonstrated that political factors were more important than artistic ones when the decisions concerning the choice of works to be published were made. Therefore, the most well-known Hispano-American poet in Poland was Pablo Neruda, presented to the Polish reading public as a communist activist who used his poems as a weapon in the struggle for a better future. For the same reason the Cuban post-revolutionary poetry became popular in Poland. In general, Hispano-American poetry did not arouse much interest of critics nor readers.
EN
The author undertakes the problem of the identity of Western civilization in the light of a correlation between politics and religion. First, he traces the theoretical debates about the mutual correspondence of politics and religion in ancient Greece. Following two extreme errors depicted by Sophocles in his “Antigone,” and by Plato in his “Apology of Socrates,” he infers that the “Golden Mean” is necessary in resolving the problem of politics and religion. Then, he examines the underlying errors put forward in the history. His investigations show the erroneousness of endowing either politics or religion with sovereign status in culture. There is always a conflict between politics and religion unless man regains his own sovereignty from them. Ultimately the author arrives at the conclusion that the “Golden Mean” correlating politics and religion distinctly strengthens the identity of the Western Civilization, and consists in respecting all real and universal parameters of human person life, such as cognition, freedom (and responsibility), love, agency in law, ontological sovereignty, and religious dignity.
7
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Granice nauki o polityce jako dyscypliny naukowej

80%
EN
The paper discusses the area of Political Science as a discipline and its borders. The four chapters include: terminology and its practical consequences, genesis and development of Political Science, research methods of Political Science and the position of Political Science in comparison to Social and Human Sciences.
EN
In a discussion about a place of women in contemporary political life, the role of various actions and mechanisms aiming at increasing female involvement is extremely significant, since today women represent slightly more than half of the world population, and their participation in formal political structures remains insignificant. Without any doubt, since 1989, one may observe increasing women’s role in Polish political life. One of the proofs for it is a higher number of women registered as candidates before parliamentary elections, as well as higher percentage of women in Polish Sejm. In spite of this, Polish women are still less active in the political life than men, which results from the existence of several barriers hindering their participation and involvement in politics. The main aim of this article is to analyse the opinion of Poles on the activities of women in political life and introduction of additional mechanisms having the potential to increase women’s participation in political bodies. The research was based on empirical data collected in November and December 2013 within the project “Political preferences: Attitude – Identification – Behavior”.
9
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Niemcy - globalny gracz i cienie

80%
EN
The article focuses, first and foremost, on attitude of the Polish Diaspora in the RSA towards socio-political situation in country of settlement. In solving problem particular attention is drawn to the attitude of the Polish Diaspora to political transition in South Africa. Relation to this process is portrayed by engagement of the Polish Diaspora in building new political order after apartheid – multiethnic democracy called New South Africa, among others through its participation in parliamentary elections, referendums and membership in political parties. Conclusions concentrate on conditions and effects of the Polish Diaspora participation in political life in country of settlement.
EN
The article aims to, first, critically assess the idea and practice of deliberative democracy and, second, find it a proper place in the democratic theory. I start with defining the concept as it emerges from the works of some of its most prominent proponents (such as Fishkin, Cohen or Habermas), reiterating several of the important arguments in support of it. I then present various criticisms of deliberative democracy, regarding philosophical assumptions that inform it (the idea of common good, the conditions of rational deliberation etc.) and its modus operandi (its alleged procedural superiority over aggregative methods). I then off er further criticism of deliberative democracy as a model of democracy, an alternative to the dominant model of representative democracy, arguing from its ineff ectiveness in influencing political decisions. Instead, in the final section, I propose to establish deliberation as one of the two criteria of classifi cation and assessment of democratic systems, thus restoring its importance in the democratic theory.
PL
To make the political presence of women more visible in modern public discourse it is necessary to work out a language that would represent them appropriately. An analysis of the rhetoric of the Women’s Party (Polish: Partia Kobiet), established in 2007, shows how this problem is handled by the officials of the party. The starting point for the discussion is the thesis that rhetoric discourse is initiated and shaped by a given rhetoric situation (as understood by L.F. Bitzer). In the analysed instance, it is determined by: 1) social and political circumstances surrounding the emergence of the party, no deep-rooted feminist tradition in particular; negativism in the approach towards women’s movements in general reflecting senses and moods dominating within society, marginalisation of women’s issues and women’s voices in mainstream political discourse, 2) historical conditioning and culturally dominant position of the male model of discourse in public address, 3) the attempt to get involved in the discourse as wide audience as possible, coupled with the belief that the sense of unity is to be based on the gender identity. The analysis of the texts available on the web page of the party, viewed as being fully of representative nature for the party, shows that the rhetoric of the Women’s Party is not heterogeneous. It oscillates between the rhetoric of co-operation (through the agency of which the party looks for tools instrumental for achieving some kind of agreement and dialogue in the public debate) and the rhetoric of hatred, already well-established in Polish political discourse (which undermines the formerly mentioned conciliatory attitude in dialogue and co-operation). As a result, a type of a communication ensues that is not free from paradoxes and one that makes a creation of a coherent and consistent message impossible, and therefore hinders a creation of a credible image of the party.
EN
Freedom of possessing and expressing own ideas and opinions and their dissemination is one of the fundamental rights, that entitled to each person. In addition to this, the freedom enables searching and getting information. Thanks to it, the right to express your own identity, selfrealization and aspiring to truth are guaranteed. It is one of the basic premise and the necessary condition to realize the idea of democracy. In the United States, the cradle of civil rights and modern democracy, the freedom of expression is guaranteed in the First Amendment to American Constitution (Bill of Rights), enacted in 1789 (came into force in 1791). On its virtue, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of (…) the freedom of speech, or of the press (…).” Although the record suggested that this freedom is absolute, (not restricted of any legislation), the later jurisdiction of the US Supreme Court (by case law) isolated categories of utterances that have not been contained by the First Amendment. ! e essential issues are answers on the following questions: in the name of what values Congress can limit the First Amendment? And where is the border of freedom of speech? One of the expressions that are not protected by the law is fi ghting words and hate words. The second are libel and slanders that are understood as a infringement of somebody’s rights.
EN
The study aims to describe the changes in public nutrition during the period of socialism in Slovakia. It explains the essence of the state Communist ideology’s involvement in people’s eating habits and the reality of food production, distribution and consumption.
EN
This article focuses on the genesis ofthe concept of“unemployment”. The concept as we understand it today took root at the close ofthe 19*^ century, at a time when the first - very tentative - forms of unemployment insurance began to appear. Here, I am trying to capture the language used in the past to describe people who did not work, which of course was to influence the way society was to deal with such non-working people. Liberalism in the 19^ century and the ideas on the nature and tasks of man in the world that were associated with it created an anthropological description in which the importance of material assistance was supplanted by the disciplining and moral edification of fallen individuals which may be found in pre-liberal practice in the age ofEuropean mercantilism. Classical political economics also had difficulties explaining unemployment scientifically. Under its influence, particularly in the first half of the 19*^ century, attention was shifted to an individualising explanation of the origins of unemployment, situating it to a large extent within the sphere of individual responsibility. I stress here the discursive “invention” of unemployment as opposed to what is perhaps a more ingrained idea today: that unemployment simply derives from the objective economic conditions that hold under capitalism.
17
80%
EN
The article aims to draw attention to the political character of the category of national minorities and the consequences this has for sociological reflection. The political character of the national minority category consists, among others, in the method of officially distinguishing them, their institutionalization and legitimization. Sociologists dealing with ethnic issues to a greater or lesser degree, more or less consciously – in the process of creating theory and empirical practice – succumb to categories developed in the sphere of politics. The examples of a thus problematized relation discussed in the article pertain on the one hand to the sociological distinguishing of the category of minorities, while on the other hand, concern the usage of data gathered in the National Census with his all political implications.
18
80%
EN
It is widely recognised, that the status of any scientific discipline is vitally determined by its methodological autonomy. These are theoretical rules on the acquirement of information about a given reality, its definitions, systematization, clarification and interpretation. It is a specific challenge with regards to political science, which stems from the subject of knowledge, the politics. This realm is known to humanity from the onset of structure-shaping and institutionalisation of social life, and since ancient times attempts at its theoretical clarification are being undertaken. It has taken an important place within philosophical thought, historical and legal analysis. This reality led to political science becoming an integrating platform for knowledge from areas of political and social philosophy, law, economy, history. This integration has made cognitive challenges superficial and as a consequence raised such questions as: is political science a scientific discipline? The unfavourable image was revealed as it was included in broad process of political education of society.
19
80%
EN
The article undertakes an attempt of answering the question whether there is a place for politics in homily? The author starts with defining terms: homily and politics. In his reasoning he refers to the teaching of the Church. Politics in its strict meaning, which embraces struggling for power and exercising authority, or opting for any political party, can not be present in homilies. In its wide sense, however, as the concern for the common good, politics is fully implementable in homily. This also results from the definition of homily, which should actualize the word of God in the current human existence. Naturally, this requires a mature approach to the matter. The author sees a problem not so much in the possible preaching of socio-political affairs, as to its manner of communication, language and tone.
EN
The paper presents contemporary tendencies which can be seen in Polish monumental public sculpture of last three decades. They are connected with Polish history and especially new forms of historical policy, presenting problems avoided by official historiography of Poland before 1989. The monumental public sculpture has some features that can be easily noticed, like exaggeration, excess, and weakness of forms, as well as focusing on matters being result of martyrological shape of Polish memory.
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