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EN
If European politics is seen as an amusement park, Franco-Polish relations would be a roller coaster and a house of mirrors. Over the last three years, bilateral relations between Warsaw and Paris went from one of its highest to one of its lowest points in recent history. The causes and manifestations of the current tensions in diplomatic and political relations are well known. They should not, however, overshadow the substantive economic links and vibrant cultural ties between the two countries. Nor should they lead to discarding or underestimation of the potential that closer strategic and political relations could bear.
EN
Clearly, pro-EU mainstream French political parties are braced for a drubbing. European elections have always been conducive to antiestablishment protests, given the complexity of the issues dealt with by the European Parliament and their so-called secondary importance. Yet given the high level of unemployment and France’s anaemic economic prospects, this time might be different. The government is faced with the Sisyphus task of again persuading voters that a change for the better is still within reach at EU level. Paradoxically, this might not necessitate a left-wing European Parliament. As this article argues, the notion of “Social Europe” is still relevant to describe the objectives that Paris seeks to achieve by the means of EU integration, but mainly in the context of the eurozone crisis. The European Parliament is a natural but weak ally of the French government on socio-economic coordination, hence the significance of the upcoming European elections needs to be qualified. Restoring confidence with Germany and France’s partners in the country’s ability to regain competitiveness and sustain its welfare system is in fact the real EU priority for the French president.
EN
In the article I have analyzed France’s politics to the problem of Germany’s reunification. After world war II France wanted to keep a good relationship with the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. French politicians presented a series of prerequisites of Germany’s reunification emphasizing, that the reunification should result from an agreement between both German countries and with approval of their neighboring countries.The French presidents: Charles de Gaulle, Georges Pompidou, Valery Giscard d’Estaing and François Mitterrand wanted to implement the policy of tenir le range in the relationship with Germany.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy polityki Francji wobec zjednoczenia Niemiec. Francja po II wojnie światowej dążyła do utrzymania dobrych relacji z Republiką Federalną Niemiec i Niemiecką Republiką Demokratyczną. Francuzi w sprawie zjednoczenia Niemiec stawiali szereg warunków podkreślając, że zjednoczenie powinno odbyć się w wyniku porozumienia obu państw niemieckich i za zgodą sąsiadów. Francuscy prezydenci, Charles de Gaulle, Georges Pompidou, Valery Giscard d’Estaing i François Mitterrand, starali się prowadzić politykę tenir le range w kontaktach z Niemcami.
EN
The article presents the legal basis and characteristics of the education system of France. The legal status of private educational institutions and how they are financed were discussed. The teacher education system as well as the problems and directions of France’s current education policy were analyzed.
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EN
This article is dedicated to, so-called, „constitution church” problem in France (1790-1801). Although it is one of the most interesting episodes of the French Revolution, it remains almost unfathomable up until today. This faith was established in 1790 after Civil Constitution of the Clergy – who was forcibly democratizing French Church (bishops and clerics elected by citizens with political rights only) and breaking it away from Rome – law passed. However this text isn’t dedicated to history, but theology of this faith, especially political and revolutionist ideology influence on it. This theology accepted Church dogmatist and teaching subordination to the State ideological requirements. Nationalistic and democratic elements were accented, focusing on the battle with “foreign” Pope, who does not posses democratic legitimization.
Financial Law Review
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2021
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vol. 22
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issue 3
163-184
EN
This contribution deals with the evolution of public finance in two selected European countries. France and Germany were selected as countries to compare their evolution of public finance. The reason why the two countries were chosen is their general proximity to each other in many respects. From a professional point of view, i.e. from the point of view of the discipline of public finance, however, these are countries with different concepts of public finance disciplines. The contribution presents the historical background, context and consequences of this evolution. The relevant public finance evolution is divided into several historical stages in each country. The contribution focuses on each stage separately and points out solutions and effect of each stage. The main aim of the contribution is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that the evolution of the public finance discipline was different in each of the selected countries. The scientific methods used in the article are analysis and synthesis, description and comparative methods.
EN
Political participation of immigrants (expressed for example by their participation in elections, representation in political parties or in the leadership functions of a city) is now seen as one of the key elements supporting their integration into the major society. In France was already in 1983 founded civil association called Votation citoyenne (Civil vote), but despite more than 30 years of its campaigns and diligent work, the results obtained are rather vague. So far, the law that would give to the foreigners from the countries outside of the EU the right to vote and to be elected at least in the local elections was only approved but did not enter into the force. However, between the years 2001 and 2008, this form of their participation in political life had bigger dynamics in the region of Basse-Normandie than in the region of Paris.
8
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Z dziejów bowaryzmu we Francji

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EN
The first mention of the term “bovarism” appears shortly after the release of Flaubert’s novel, but the modern definition: “to perceive oneself differently than one is in reality”, was coined by the philosopher and critic Jules de Gaultier. He made bovarism the center of his concept of the modern man, or even of the modern society, and he dedicated 20 years of his life to its analysis. With time, he grew to understand that it was not only a pathology, but also the moving force of human actions. Many other researchers pursued the topic of bovarism after Gaultier, both in literature and in medicine spheres. Today the concept is still popular and used not exclusively in literature, but also in social and political meaning.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyse Emmanuel Macron's 2017 and 2022 election campaigns. The first part of the article focuses on Macron's 2017 campaign, taking into account elements specific to election campaigns, such as election slogans, social media activity, the electoral programme, television debates, and describes the main themes of the election campaign, along with a discussion of the results of the first and second rounds of the election. An analogous analysis is then presented in relation to the 2022 election campaign. The issue of the war in Ukraine and its role for the campaign taking place at the same time is highlighted. The paper concludes by considering the differences noted in the two campaigns run by the leader of the En Marche!/ Renaissance.
EN
The object of the article is to show the role of France under de Gaulle’s rule in the preparation of the Common Agricultural Policy in the years 1958-1969 as well as to answer the question whether the CAP met the hopes that de Gaulle and the French farmers placed in it. Three issues are discussed: France’s activity for the creation of the CAP in the years 1958-1962, controversies over establishing common prices for agricultural goods and efforts to develop a system of financing the CAP. The article argues that under de Gaulle’s rule France played a decisive role in the creation of the CAP as the French leader wanted to turn it into an instrument which was to help modernize and restructure French agriculture thus contributing to the improvement of the living conditions of French farmers. In the case of France the balance of the CAP in the period of de Gaulle’s rule was rather positive although not all of the initially assumed goals were achieved.
EN
In the text, the vita of the French lawyer, François Gény, is presented. First, the authors present the course of the long and fruitful career, both scientific and professional, of François Gény. In the further part of the text, the main trends in the legal activity of François Gény are discussed. The longest part of the paper is devoted to the presentation of scientific views expressed in the literature of François Gény, and his influence upon legal sciences in the world. The final part of the considerations is devoted to the connections between François Gény and Polish legal sciences, in particular the Warsaw scientific centre.
EN
The Union for the Mediterranean, established in 2008 by France, was intended to strengthen French influence in the region. After Germany intervened, this exclusively French project was expanded to encompass the entire European Union, which provided financial support from the European Neighbourhood Policy. The immense political, economic and social problems facing the south of the Mediterranean prevented the Union for the Mediterranean from operating efficiently there. Under the circumstances of the crisis in the euro zone, and after the Arab revolutions, France and Germany intend to continue to support the democratisation process in the region and they have come up with numerous initiatives, especially in the field of energy, cross-cultural dialogue and educational projects. They also support measures to combat terrorism and curb illegal immigration into the European Union.
EN
The object of the article is to show the role of France under de Gaulle’s rule in the preparation of the Common Agricultural Policy in the years 1958-1969 as well as to answer the question whether the CAP met the hopes that de Gaulle and the French farmers placed in it. Three issues are discussed: France’s activity for the creation of the CAP in the years 1958- 1962, controversies over establishing common prices for agricultural goods and efforts to develop a system of financing the CAP. The article argues that under de Gaulle’s rule France played a decisive role in the creation of the CAP as the French leader wanted to turn it into an instrument which was to help modernize and restructure French agriculture thus contributing to the improvement of the living conditions of French farmers. In the case of France the balance of the CAP in the period of de Gaulle’s rule was rather positive although not all of the initially assumed goals were achieved.
Acta Periodica Duellatorum
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2014
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vol. 2
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issue 1
233-254
EN
During the nineteenth century, many sources were published about the regulation of fencing in Renaissance France. Comparing those sources shows significant though incomplete uniformity in the formalities observed in the training of students of fencing, particularly in the process followed by the neophyte in his passage to mastery of the art of defence.
EN
This article offers a partial overview on fencing, as recognized through archive records, as well as French epics and romances from the twelfth to the early fourteenth century. In the twelfth century, fencing was only attested through knightly vocabulary as a way to describe actions performed during single combats involving a combination of shield and another weapon, most commonly a sword. Fencing was progressively dissociated from the knightly arts and there were even few mentions of its use by common people. There are archive records from the thirteenth century of individuals bearing the nickname “fencer”, although there is rarely enough context to be certain that they were really practicing the art. At the end of the thirteenth century, archives and narrative fiction show an established fashion for a certain form of fencing with a short round shield, the buckler. This is clearly established in London where surviving manuscripts include many regulations on fencing, however the fashion was also spread in the continent, even though it seems to be less documented.
EN
The beginning of the 21st century was a proliferation of complementary currencies worldwide. Among them, a number of newly created local currencies were notable. France proved to be especially fertile in this regard from the early 2010s. La Gonette, operating in the metropolitan area of Lyon, is one of the biggest French local complementary currencies in terms of its users, providers (business partners), and money supply. For every scheme, the most important issue, which is also a challenge, is to provide enough spending options to be attractive for users, while also retaining their particular sociocultural identity. Besides a variety of spending options, their location features are also important in regards to future development, so decision-makers of a scheme can diversify the business expansion strategy accordingly in order to better achieve the desired socio-economic goals. Using la Gonette as a case study, the research objective of this paper is to uncover the implications of the providers’ location on the functioning of the scheme. To address this objective, I applied statistical tests for correspondence on the providers’ categorical and locational breakdowns. The results have shown heterogeneity in the spatial distribution of the types of providers in accordance with broader location characteristics, a fact which supports the need for territorial diversification of future development concepts.
EN
The political system of the French Fifth Republic is referred to as “semi-presidentialism”. This is is to indicate its mixed nature – of a system presidential and parliamentary at a time. The Constitution grants broad prerogatives – and assigns serious tasks to both the head of state – le Président de la République – and the chief of government – le Premier ministre. When the prime minister represented the pro-presidential political camp, the head of state gained very serious influence on governing the state and political strategy (first, when the French political scene was dominated by the right – 1958–1981; then by the left – 1981–1986 and 1988–1993; and finally by the right again 1995–1997 and since 2002). As early as during Charles de Gaulle presidency (1958–1969) the idea called domaine reservée came into existence. According to this political concept, the widely interpreted external policies – including foreign affairs and defence were recognised as presidential prerogatives, regardless the of literal construction of legal provisions. Relations within the executive changed radically with the end of political unity. During the so-called cohabitation French political practices were different and they ultimately led to an amendment of the Constitution.
EN
The article deals with the transnational engagement of one of the biggest German welfare organizations during the Second World War in France and Alsace.The Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt (NSV) provided food and clothing to refugees in the North-East of France as also in the de facto annexed Alsace between June and October 1940. The aim of the article is to analyse the reasons of the German “humanitarian” activity for the benefit of civilians in North-Eastern France and Alsace. The NSV’s activities were part of a larger occupation policy which should present particularly in the first months of occupation the humane aspects of a superior Germany. In the end, the German distribution of food to the occupied population didn’t succeed to win the majority for collaboration, but shows the importance of propaganda and racial categories during Germany’s occupation of Europe in the Second World War
EN
The article concerns the question of dual responsibility of the government in the French Fifth Republic. The first part is devoted to origins and development of the dualistic parliamentary system of government in France. According to this model ministers are politically responsible not only before the monarch, but also before the parliament. In the second part the author discusses the return to this model after the adoption of the current Constitution. In the light of this act the government is politically responsible before the parliament. However, when the dual executive comes from the same part of the political scene responsibility of the government before the president of the Republic is much more important. The situation changes significantly during periods of cohabitation. Under such circumstances the government bears political responsibility for its actions only before the parliament. The head of state is no longer able to dismiss the prime minister and other members of the government at his own discretion. In conclusion, the author points out that in the French political system there is no one coherent model of dual responsibility of the government because its shape is influenced by different configurations on the political scene.
EN
The French diplomatic tradition has been going on for centuries and has influenced other parts of the world. One of France's most essential foreign policy directions is relations between France and the United States. It can be said to be friendship and hatred at the same time. The deep-rooted anti-Americanism in the French and the desire by Paris to return to great power status makes these relations even more difficult. In this article, I review France's foreign policy toward the United States from 2017 to 2022. In particular, I focus on analysing the aspect of superpower status, NATO membership and UN membership. I prove that these aspects have the greatest impact on Franco-American relations.
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