Search results

1

From Intermarium to the Three Sees Initiative – Regional Integrations in Central and Eastern Europe and the Hungarian Foreign Policy

100%

Schmidt A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 51

165-189

EN

The aim of the paper is to examine the harmony between the Polish and the Hungarian foreign policy from the early 20th century to the recent decades. Due to their special geographical position both states experienced threats and challenges in the examined period, however their approach to the above was different. Poland was focusing on the problem of the rebirth of the divided state and the uncertainty regarding its borders while Hungary had to struggle with the peaceful revision of the lost territories. Being located between two ambitious great powers Poland and Hungary had to find balance between German and Russian (Soviet) aspirations that influenced the foreign policy of both states. This paper treats Poland as a reference point and examines the Hungarian struggles from this approach. The paper also gives an outline definition of the meaning of borders and their importance in Central and Eastern European region.

2

Podstawy i mechanizmy regionalizmu w postradzieckiej Azji Centralnej

100%

Konopelko A.

International Business and Global Economy

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2014

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vol. Volume 33

214–226

EN

The research article analyses the bases and mechanisms of regionalism in the post-Soviet Central Asia resulting from the disintegration of the previous system. The main objectives of the paper are: identification of the most crucial determinants and constraints on the new regionalism and building of the regional identity in the above-mentioned territory, examination of the main noneconomic areas of integration and cooperation between different Central Asian countries, and analysis of the mechanisms of their interdependence in the context of their independence and particular interests. The author attempts to answer the following questions: how the above regionalism may influence the post-Soviet space and geopolitical power of countries in the region? Whether and how can external players foster the development of regionalism? The case study of Central Asia is developed through the empirical analysis and interpretation of data and documents of the regional organizations and national agencies and the analytical theoretical research on regionalism.

3

Ethnocentrism and the Problem of Central Asian Integration: Current Status

100%

Viktorowych Halanskii I., Han N. P., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2012

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issue 1 (1)

PL

The article describes the problem of regional integration in Central Asia. Integration is an especially topical issue in the context of current global trends of uniting regions into organizations that promote cooperation in various areas of interest. The authors advance a thesis that in the case of states such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, or Turkmenistan such process will not start in the foreseeable future, if at all. On the one hand, there is the deterring factor of a division into post-Soviet and Islamic states; on the other hand, it transpires that these states aspire towards domination rather than cooperation. Undoubtedly however, the prospect of the development of the Central Asian region as an integrated whole could influence the international arena.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761

4

Rozwój wzajemnej wymiany handlowej krajów ASEAN w procesie ich regionalnej integracji gospodarczej

100%

Bombińska E.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie

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2011

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issue 869

43-60

EN

This article discusses the course of economic integration of ASEAN countries under the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement. Since the Common Effective Preferential Tariff Scheme was signed in 1992, ASEAN member countries have made significant progress in lowering intra-regional tariffs. The article analyses the volume and structure of merchandise produced in ASEAN countries and also attempts to determine whether the volume and rate of growth of intra-regional trade have remained at low levels.

5

The Emergence of Baltic Europe: An Overview of Polish Research on Regional Integration

88%

Pacuk M., Palmowski T., Tarkowski M.

Quaestiones Geographicae

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2018

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vol. 37

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issue 2

EN

Baltic integration studies, though dispersed and involving researchers of various disciplines, generally fit well in the field of economic geography research. This article attempts to review the study results of research conducted in Poland in the last four decades. It identifies eleven leading issues, including: the Baltic wide cooperation (conditions and factors, progress and collaboration perspectives), the development of the maritime economy, international legislation, environmental protection, spatial planning and cross-border cooperation. The research focus evolved reflecting the major milestones in geopolitical transformations. In Baltic Europe we can identify three evolutionary phases: identification of cooperation paths and conditions in the competitive environment of two political and military blocks, a recast of options in the period of political transformation and European integration, studies of EU enlargement consequences.

6

The Emergence of Baltic Europe: An Overview of Polish Research on Regional Integration

88%

Pacuk M., Palmowski T., Tarkowski M.

Quaestiones Geographicae

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2018

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vol. 37

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issue 2

EN

Baltic integration studies, though dispersed and involving researchers of various disciplines, generally fit well in the field of economic geography research. This article attempts to review the study results of research conducted in Poland in the last four decades. It identifies eleven leading issues, including: the Baltic wide cooperation (conditions and factors, progress and collaboration perspectives), the development of the maritime economy, international legislation, environmental protection, spatial planning and cross-border cooperation. The research focus evolved reflecting the major milestones in geopolitical transformations. In Baltic Europe we can identify three evolutionary phases: identification of cooperation paths and conditions in the competitive environment of two political and military blocks, a recast of options in the period of political transformation and European integration, studies of EU enlargement consequences.

7

Strategiczne porozumienia ponad podziałami – Grupa Wyszehradzka jako przykład integracji i emancypacji w ramach Unii Europejskiej

88%

Grodzki R.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2016

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issue 9

375-392

PL

Functioning of the Visegrad Group since its beginning was not an easy issue. V4 was established to integrate East-Central European countries into Euro-Atlantic structures in the atmosphere of cooperation. However, it was a partnership o f countries which in many cases guided by different interests. From the beginning, there was no sympathy inside the Group, but over time it changed. Since joining into the European Union in this cooperation experienced moments of common mobilizing such as: a struggle under the EU Cohesion Policy, the fight for the Union budgets, and the last one position against the welcome of refugees arriving to Europe. It should be noted that properly develop cooperation of Visegrad Group at the elementary level in areas such as: environmental protection, infrastructure, transport and energy projects and tourism. An important new motivation to this cooperation is founded in 2016 EU Battle Group of the Visegrad Group with almost 4 thousand soldiers.

8

Does Differentiation Lead to Disintegration? Insights from Theories of European Integration and Comparative Regionalism

88%

Cianciara A.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

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2015

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issue 18

39-58

EN

Differentiated integration is often considered ‘integration gone wrong’ and not a normal and permanent feature of the ever larger and more heterogeneous European Union. With the growing impact of the widening, deepening and politicization dynamics, the Union has been conceptualized as a ‘system of differentiated integration’. At the same time, concerns over ‘disintegration’ are mounting. In this light it seems crucial to refl ect on the relationship between differentiation and disintegration: does the former lead to the latter? Should we prevent further differentiation, or promote it as means of making the EU more successful? On one hand, European integration theories provide few adequate answers on the mechanisms and conditions for disintegration. On the other hand, analysis of other regional organizations puts the European dilemma into perspective, and it seems that the existence of various forms of differentiation does not prevent successful cooperation.

9

Podejście sektorowe i horyzontalne jako instrumenty integracji regionalnej – na przykładzie sfery rynkowych usług użyteczności publicznej w Unii Euro

88%

Ząbkowicz J.

Ekonomia XXI Wieku

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2014

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issue 2(2)

45-64

EN

The two possible broad EU legislative approaches to achieving more harmonization between Member States are a series of sector-specific directives, or what is called a “horizontal framework Directive” which sets out broad framework principles which apply to all the areas within its scope. The European Commission expresses full conviction that EU legislation must rely to much greater extend on a horizontal approach applying across all sectors as the one giving fresh impetus to regional integration. However, almost all Commission’s decisions to propose a horizontal directive meet with a mixed (or even negative) reception in the Parliament and in Member States as in their opinion a sector-specific legislation better complies with procedures and practices in each country and keeps alive diversity in the Union. Diverging views in the EU about the above approaches and problems with finding a consensus are well reflected in the sector of services of general economic interest being essential for ensuring social and territorial cohesion and for the competitiveness of the European economy. The organization of these services varies according to cultural traditions, the history and geographical conditions of each Member State and the characteristics of the activity concerned. In the common opinion of authorities of Member States the existing sector-specific EU rules take due account of the diversity that characterizes different services of general interest and the situations in which they are provided. They support such an approach as a right way to respect the roles of national, regional and local authorities in ensuring the well-being of their citizens and in guaranteeing democratic choices. The added value of a horizontal framework as compared to the sector-specific approach followed so far has not been demonstrated, they say. That means there is no reason to bestow the European Commission with additional powers. The powers currently conferred on the Community with regard to services of general interest are appropriate and sufficient in order to ensure that well-functioning services can be maintained and developed throughout the Union. According to the European Commission consolidation of the Community acquis should be based on common elements of existing sector-specific legislation. Without prejudice to these rules, a horizontal approach will be considered with regard to a number of specific issues, such as consumers’ interests, the monitoring and evaluation of services of general interest, the application of state aid rules to financial compensation or the use of structural funds for the support of services of general interest. That would help to ensure overall consistency of approach across different services of general interest sectors. As a framework instrument as a basis setting out common objectives and principles would be general in nature and would also have its limitations it should be complemented by sector-specific legislation laying down more

10

Procesy globalizacji we współczesnej gospodarce światowej

88%

Sporek T.

Ekonomia XXI Wieku

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2015

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issue 1 (5)

47-67

EN

The globalization can mean both potential profits and new chances, but on the other hand, it can cause serious threats and huge challenges. A direction of its developments and prevention from its negative results depend on possibilities to influence this process by particular countries and groupings, including societies. It is obvious that the present shape of the globalization bears injustice, increases inequalities and threats, so it must be corrected to common favour. A question rises if facing the decrease of national countries influence on the global market mechanism and lack of other power controlling the global market (what some recognize the real threat to democracy), steering the globalization is possible. An answer seems to be positive, however, strengthening of multilateral cooperation between countries and their common efforts to influence factors shaping this process is necessary. First of all, a coordination of the global politics is needed, by creation institutions, which would deal with the regulations of particular matters and setting norms, as well as controlling their obedience on the whole world scale, which would lead to the increase of the rules clearance. Additionally the taken standards must come from regulations and international agreements. It is important, first of all, in the financial markets work. For sure, it is not possible to eliminate some negative aspects of globalization, but they can be weakend, thanks to common efforts.

11

The Normative EU, the Hard Power Russia and the Small States Between Them: Cases of Armenia, Georgia and Moldova

88%

Hakobyan M.

Securitologia

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2017

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issue 1 (25)

7-18

EN

The foreign policy choices of Armenia, Georgia and Moldova have been largely shaped by the power balance between the European Union and Russia. The EU’s normativity in regional integration was opposed by Russia’s hard power approach. Although the potential benefits of the integration drove Armenia, Georgia and Moldova to sign a framework agreement with the EU, the latter’s inability to pro-vide security guarantees has reduced the EU’s attractiveness leaving the future of the Eastern Partnership uncertain.

12

Europe Within the World of Regionalisms

75%

BACH D. C.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2018

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issue 11

345-354

EN

The surge of diversified forms of regionalism and regional integration within the past few decades has stimulated the reappraisal of the conceptual tools traditionally designed to bench-mark and monitor region-building processes across the world. More recently, the Brexit negotiations have become a reminder that the EU remains an unfolding experience. This article argues that the study of African regionalisms constitutes a timely invitation to revisit the experience of the EU and its contribution to the world of regionalisms. After a brief survey of the classic definition of the region, we will discuss the ongoing relevance of European integration and the implications of the analytical distinction between regionalism, regionalisation and regional integration, before drawing from the study of Africa five threads which set the basis for a comparative study of regions and regionalisms beyond the classic emphasis on the EU or the world of regions.

13

The Bay of Bengal: Next theatre for strategic power play in Asia

75%

Kabir M. H., Ahmad A.

Croatian International Relations Review

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2015

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vol. 21

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issue 72

199-238

EN

This paper explores the factors behind the increasing strategic significance of the Bay of Bengal in the current geopolitical context. The study starts by highlighting the factors contributing to the rising importance of the littoral region from a general economic, geopolitical and energy perspective. It then analyses the specific objectives and strategic aspirations of the major powers involved in the Bay, and how those may turn the area into a hub of converging, and/or conflicting interests. The focus is then shifted toward the smaller littoral nations and their individual relations with the major players. Finally, challenges to stability in the region are discussed, and a cooperative approach is suggested for the context of the Bay. The paper argues that the strategic importance of the Bay will considerably increase in the coming years. As the nations involved are major and rising powers, the power play in the area will inevitably reshape the dynamics of the region. The interests that are at stake are also of crucial importance to the countries involved; hence, their protection will also demand a rapid militarization of the littoral. Most of these countries are now redirecting their focus from land to sea, which is adding a whole new dimension to the importance of the Bay. However, this paper argues that cooperation and competition is in all the nations’ best interest, as any conflict in the Bay region could bring in political, economic and energy insecurity affecting all the concerned countries. Another dimension this paper explores is the implication of this competition on smaller nations and their role in the larger schemes of the major powers. In order to lay out an exhaustive and holistic view, historical, economic, military, geopolitical and social factors have been taken into account in this research

14

The problem of statistical assessment of the potential for the development of regional integration processes

75%

Osaulenko O., Bulatova O., Zakharova O., Reznikova N.

Statistics in Transition new series

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2021

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vol. 22

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issue 4

121-138

EN

The present article illustrates the use of integrated indices to evaluate the potential for the development of regional integration processes. The study examines a new research and methodological approach, which involves the use of an integral index of the potential for the development of integration processes, proposed with regard to the intensity of the influence of internal and external factors on integrative relations development. The application of the above-mentioned integrated index in a comparative analysis of the potential for the development of integration processes allows a comprehensive and quantitative description of the current regional integration processes taking place in the modern economy under certain regional models.

15

Choosing a Proper Scenario of the Monetary Development and Financial Integration in the EurAsEC

75%

Zhuk I., Godes N.

Olsztyn Economic Journal

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2014

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vol. 9

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issue 3

183-199

EN

The article is devoted to the problem of choosing an effective scenario of monetary integration within the EurAsEC. A fundamentally new approach is that the Eurasian integration is considered to become an alternative to disintegrative tendencies of post-Soviet countries. The advisability for a common currency and a system of supranational governance structure are given on the basis of the analysis of development of EurAsEC member states. The reasonability and timeliness of this event as a basis for further development of integration processes and sustainable development of EurAsEC is substantiated.

16

Promises, facts and challenges: Analysis of EU- LAC summits (1999 – 2015)

75%

Daza Aramayo L. G.

Littera Scripta

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2015

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vol. 2

23-36

EN

The aim of this paper is to analyse the nine summits that have taken place to date between the European Union, Latin America and the Caribbean. It is an historical analysis from the first EU-LAC Summit in 1999 to the most recent summit in 2015. It is an analysis of the issues, actions, initiatives and major achievements these summits have accomplished, as well as the challenges the relations between Latin America and the European Union still face. The analysis is based on the direct study of the official statements and documents of each summit. There is no doubt that Latin America needs the European Union and vice versa. The European Union is Latin America´s second largest trading partner, and may even become the largest. The European Union is the main source of foreign direct investment and the largest donor of development aid to the region. For the European Union, Latin America represents a strategically important region with a huge potential market of more than 626 million inhabitants, dynamic growth, positive population growth and a growing middle class. The integration of these two regions could generate more extensive (broader) markets for trade, increase investment opportunities and provide a firmer basis for further dialogue and the consolidation of new instruments adapted to the new international context and the evolution of the global economy.

17

Umowa CETA – dostęp do kanadyjskiego systemu zamówień publicznych

75%

Kaliszuk E.

Unia Europejska.pl

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2015

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issue 5

17-29

PL

We wrześniu 2014 r. Unia Europejska i Kanada ogłosiły zakończenie rozmów nad Kompleksowym porozumieniem gospodarczym i handlowym (CETA). Jednym z najważniejszych, o ile nie najważniej-szym celem Unii Europejskiej w negocjacjach był możliwie najlepszy dostęp do kanadyjskiego rynku zamówień publicznych na wszystkich poziomach administracyjnych (krajowym, regionalnym i lokalnym) oraz w sferze użyteczności publicznej. Umowa CETA miała zapewnić unij-nym dostawcom traktowanie nie mniej korzystne niż dostawców lokal-nych. W artykule podjęto próbę oceny znaczenia oferty kanadyjskiej dla firm unijnych, przez pokazanie wartości kanadyjskiego rynku zamówień rządowych oraz porównanie warunków tej oferty z warunkami przyzna-nymi przez Kanadę firmom z krajów trzecich na mocy porozumień mię-dzynarodowych. Wskazano również szanse wynikające z nowych wa-runków dostępu do kanadyjskiego rynku zamówień rządowych dla firm unijnych, w tym polskich.

EN

The negotiations of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agree-ment (CETA) between the European Union and Canada ended in Sep-tember 2014. One of the key EU goals in the negotiations was to achieve a substantially improved access to public procurement markets aiming to achieve full coverage of central and sub-central government procurement in all sectors, to ensure inter alia no less favourable treatment than that accorded to locally-established suppliers. The paper assesses the signifi-cance of the Canadian commitments for EU companies by showing the value of the Canadian Government procurement market as well as by a comparison of the conditions of this offer with the terms granted by Canada to companies from third countries under international agree-ments. In addition, new business opportunities for the EU, including Pol-ish, suppliers resulting from the improved access to the Canadian pro-curement market were analysed.

18

The fall of the pink tide: lessons for the contemporary left

75%

Kurlandt P.

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2023

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vol. 31

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issue 1 (119)

51-72

EN

The article is focused on reviewing the performance of left-wing governments that dominated Latin America at the beginning of the 21st century. The purpose is to identify and analyse significant shortcomings and challenges faced by pink tide governments in relation to social progress, economic development and regional integration. Drawing from previous studies and reports on social progress, development, political economy, and regionalism, I argue that the left fell short of its promise to tackle inequality sustainably and comprehensively. Moreover, the pink tide failed to ensure stable economic growth due to over-reliance on natural-resource exports and was not successful in strengthening regional cooperation. Nowadays, six major Latin American economies are run by the left, which some perceive as a resurgence of the pink tide. Based on the analysis of the experiences and factors that contributed to the political decline of the original pink tide, the article provides key lessons for the new generation of Latin American left-wing governments. By using an explanatory and comparative research method, I examine the social, economic and political context of the region with the purpose of juxtaposing the two waves, highlighting present challenges faced by regional actors, and offering recommendations for the contemporary Latin American decision-makers.

19

Role theory and Russia’s attempts to integrate the post-Soviet space: from internal to international duties

63%

Strycharz D.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

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2022

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issue 4(35)

72-100

RU

После российского вторжения в Украину в феврале 2022 года внешняя политика Москвы в отношении постсоветского пространства стала еще более серьезной проблемой. Чтобы лучше понять поведение России на постсоветском пространстве, стоит проанализировать, что привело к возобновлению интереса Москвы к этой сфере. Существует множество версий, объясняющих политику России по отношению к своим соседям, но они часто сосредоточены на материальных факторах или российских имперских комплексах. Чтобы устранить существующий разрыв и изучить изменения в отношении Москвы к региону, в данной статье будет использована ролевая теория и проанализированы сдвиги в представлениях о национальной роли России. Утверждается, что сочетание важных внешних и внутренних факторов привело к изменению восприятия международных обязанностей и ответственности России в период между приходом Путина к власти и его возвращением на пост президента в 2012 г. Следовательно, эти изменения привели к различному пониманию роли России на посту президента. - Советское пространство, что впоследствии повлияло на все более агрессивные действия России в регионе.

EN

With the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Moscow’s foreign policy towards the post-Soviet space has become an even greater area of concern. In order to better understand Russia’s behaviour in the post-Soviet space, it is worth analysing what led to Moscow’s renewed interest in this area. There are numerous accounts explaining Russia’s policies towards its neighbourhood, but they often focus on material factors or Russian imperial complexes. To address the existing gap and examine changes in Moscow’s attitude towards the region, this paper will use role theory and analyse shifts in Russia’s national role conceptions. It argues that the combination of important external and internal factors led to changes in perception of Russia’s international duties and responsibilities between Putin’s rise to power and his return to the presidency in 2012. Consequently, these changes resulted in different understanding of Russia’s role in the post-Soviet space, which had implications for Russia’s increasingly aggressive actions in the region afterwards.

20

Наслідки повномасштабної російсько-української війни для позиціонування Тримор’я в глобальній політиці

63%

Тишкун Ю., Лопата М. я.

Copernicus Political and Legal Studies

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2023

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issue 5

18-29

UK

У статті проаналізовано термін «Тримор’я» – продукт адаптації філософсько-географічної категорії «Міжмор’я» до опису Центрально-Східної і Південно-Східної Європи. Обґрунтовано тезу про те, що застосування категорії «Міжмор’я» до регіону ЦСЄ-ПСЄ зумовлено не лише «ментальною географією» польської політичної думки і практичними потребами польської геополітики ХХ-ХХІ ст., але й об’єктивно наявними спільними характеристиками регіону (його буферним статусом між геополітичними потугами Німеччини та Росії; нижчим рівнем добробуту цього регіону порівняно із Західною Європою; його переважно слов’янським характером, який неодноразово підштовхував реалізацію в ЦСЄ-ПСЄ панславістських проєктів; тенденціями в соціальному, зокрема культурному, економічному і політичному житті регіону, помітні принаймні з кінця 1980-х років). Констатовано, що проєкт «Тримор’я» А. Дуди – сучасна реінкарнація ідеї прометеїстів – «Міжмор’я», створеної між двома світовими війнами на основі ягеллонської ідеї Раннього Нового часу. Цей проєкт виник як фронда правоконсервативних, бідніших членів ЄС щодо його ліволіберальних, багатих учасників за зовнішньої підтримки євроскептичного, правопопулістського уряду Д. Трампа в США. Втім, еволюція «Тримор’я» врешті-решт привела його до інституалізації як одного з ядер інтеграції в сучасному Європейському Союзі різних швидкостей, з акцентом на розвитку транскордонних комунікаційних, інфраструктурних проєктів в регіоні за співпраці ЄС та США. Підкреслено, що після початку російсько-української війни загроза її поширення на територію «Тримор’я», яку ЄС подолати не може, змушує членів ініціативи звертатись по пряму військову підтримку до США в обмін на надання Вашингтону підтримки в його протистоянні Пекіну – союзникові Москви, активізуючи роль регіону як одного з форпостів протистояння китайському впливу на планеті. Окрім того, російсько-українська війна мимоволі привела до досягнення однієї з цілей проєкту «Тримор’я» – розвитку логістичної інфраструктури його учасників через необхідність обслуговувати масштабні сухопутні й авіаційні переміщення військ та функціонування «зернових» і гуманітарних коридорів з Євросоюзу до України. Також повномасштабна російсько-українська війна викликала реанімацію і розвиток ВПК країн «Тримор’я», його інтеграцію всередині регіону і решти ЄС, а також з Україною, США і Південною Кореєю, що дає шанс на високотехнологічне економічне зростання учасників проєкту.

EN

The article discusses the term “Three Seas Initiative” – a product of the adaptation of the philosophical and geographical category “Intermarium” to the description of Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The thesis is substantiated that the application of the category “Intermarium” to Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe is due not only to the “mental geography” of Polish political thought and the practical needs of Polish geopolitics of the 20th and 21st centuries but also to the objectively existing general characteristics of the region (its buffer status between geopolitical powers of Germany and Russia, the lower level of prosperity of this region compared to Western Europe, its predominantly Slavic character, which repeatedly pushes the implementation of pan-Slavist projects in the Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, the trends in social, in particular, cultural, economic and political, which are observed at least since the late 1980s). It is argued that the project “Three Seas Initiative” by A. Duda is a modern reincarnation of the idea of the Prometheists – “Intermarium”, created between the two world wars on the basis of the Jagiellonian idea of the Early Modern Age. This project arose as an opposition of rightwing conservative, poorer EU members to its left-liberal, rich participants with external support from the Eurosceptic, right-wing populist government of D. Trump in the USA. However, the evolution of the Three Seas Initiative finally led it to institutionalization as one of the cores of integration in the modern European Union at different speeds, with an emphasis on the development of cross-border communication and infrastructure projects in the region with the cooperation of the EU and the USA. It is emphasized that after the start of the Russian- Ukrainian war, the threat of its spread to the territory of the “Three Seas Initiative”, which the EU cannot overcome, forces the members of the initiative to seek direct military support from the United States in exchange for Washington’s support in its opposition to Beijing, an ally of Moscow. “Three Seas Initiative” could be perceived as an activation of the role of the region as one of the outposts of opposition to Chinese influence on the planet. In addition, the Russian- Ukrainian war involuntarily led to the achievement of one of the goals of the Three Seas Initiative - the development of the logistics infrastructure of its participants, due to the need to serve large-scale land and air movements of troops and the functioning of “grain” and humanitarian corridors from the European Union to Ukraine. Also, a full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war caused the resuscitation and development of the military-industrial complex of the Three Seas Initiative countries, its integration within the region and the rest of the EU, as well as with Ukraine, the USA, and South Korea, which gives a chance for high-tech economic growth of the participants of the project.

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From Intermarium to the Three Sees Initiative – Regional Integrations in Central and Eastern Europe and the Hungarian Foreign Policy

Podstawy i mechanizmy regionalizmu w postradzieckiej Azji Centralnej

Ethnocentrism and the Problem of Central Asian Integration: Current Status

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The Emergence of Baltic Europe: An Overview of Polish Research on Regional Integration

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Europe Within the World of Regionalisms

The Bay of Bengal: Next theatre for strategic power play in Asia

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Umowa CETA – dostęp do kanadyjskiego systemu zamówień publicznych

The fall of the pink tide: lessons for the contemporary left

Role theory and Russia’s attempts to integrate the post-Soviet space: from internal to international duties

Наслідки повномасштабної російсько-української війни для позиціонування Тримор’я в глобальній політиці