The general aim of this article is to contribute to the answer how studying of Kierkegaard could help us to understand societal and political life. The author illustrates Kierkegaard’s usefulness by example of an innovative and illuminative Bellinger’s interpretation of Nazism and Stalinism given in Kierkegaard’s terms of anxiety and stages of existence. Bellinger interprets Hitler and Nazism as an extreme pathological example of the aesthetic stage and anxiety before the good, and Stalinism as an extreme pathological example of the ethical stage and anxiety before the evil. On this basis we may also speak about the importance of Kierkegaard for the understanding of depth motivation for political violence and crime.
In the latter half of the 1940s, processes generally known as 'Sovietization' took place in Bulgaria, Rumania and Albania. This meant a total submission of these countries to Moscow. The ruling Communists in the countries of so-called 'people's democracy' were not allowed any more to develop any model of organization and control of society differing from the Soviet one. The Cold War required total obedience in the Soviet block that was not supposed to be weakened by heresy any more (as in J. B. Tito's case). Stalin's death in March 1953, however, and the following search for a 'new course', accompanied by destalinization, caused another slow erosion of the Soviet Empire. The first country to get partly rid of its dependence was Rumania, for the sake of a sort of 'liberalism', followed by Albania, for the sake of dogmatism. Only Bulgaria, where Todor Zhivkov's regime became established for several decades, remained an absolutely loyal and never arguing ally of the Soviet Union in Southeast Europe.
The study analyses main evolutionary tendencies in Russia in the first half of the 20th century, their significance in modernisation of the country and Russia's transformation into a great power. It pays particular attention to political and social-economical expansion and puts it in a broad context of Soviet Union's advancement and international situation.
The study deals with the ballad as a genre in the official poetry of the peak period of Czech Stalinism (1948 – 1954). It juxtaposes the basic definition of the folk ballad with the contemporary concepts of the folkiness, order and death, it examines the social ballad in the context of the Stalinist interpretation of literary history and in addition to that it draws attention to possible uses of the cantastoria as a tool of political campaign and mocking old order followers. The writer uses a corpus of the contemporary poems to demonstrate the new life of the ballad as a tool of heroicizing the war heroes and demonizing the „Imperialist war provocatuers“, and also the unintentional transition of the ballad stories into the common „literary life“. The offered statements about the collision between the traditional interpretation and the ideological outline of the genre and the new concepts try to look into the relation between the contemporary official poetry and the tradition, the mechanism of adopting old schemes, transforming them and adding new contents to them.
The communist regime after 1947 tried to divide the Lutheran community in Warmia and Mazury. This was to be achieved by arousing suspicion that the members of that Church were spies on behalf of various Western countries, especially the Scandinavian ones, as the Lutheran Church in Poland maintained vivid contacts with them. At the same time the Lutheran community was seen as pro-German and the clergy were accused of collaboration with the Germans in the times of World War II. They were blamed for the failure of the forced polonisation of the German population, which decided to stay in Poland after the war. In effect two Lutheran priests and several laymen were arrested. The authorities failed to prove the accusations of espionage and the priests and laymen were not sentenced, but they were not fully acquitted before 1957.
The presented article analyses selected discussions of the first half of the 1950s which were related to the preparation of the 2nd Czechoslovak Writers´ Conference in the year 1956. At the same time it pays attention to the contemporary term known as the criticism of so-called Schematism. In the author´s opinion the formation of the term is related to the processes having its prehistory in the period when the dogmatic application of Socialist Realism was the official doctrine of the Stalinist Epoch. It cannot be seen as synonymous with the criticism of so-called Cult of Personality or the process of „acknowledging“ the period of Stalinism because the notion „Schematism“ became a part of the literary-critical discourse of those times before Stalin´s death. In this context the author makes references to the findings by B. Groys, especially to his analysis of the paradoxes of Stalin´s rule where logical statements containing no contradictions were regarded as one-sided and so invalid. The slogans such as „struggle against Schematism“ and „for greater fidelity of literature“ were a part of the contemporary language of the Stalinist Epoch and should be interpreted accordingly. They were not directly related to the criticism of Stalinism, and they did not question the aesthetical doctrine of Socialist Realism.
The paper analyse a new situation of teachers in Slovakia during the period of culmination of communist dictate, when the whole educational process on all levels of schools was subordinated by direct dictated of the one political subject – the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC). To the ideology of CPC – Marxism-Leninism was subordinated also all activity of teachers. The pedagogues were exposed to the strong ideological pressure. The paper is offering a picture about strategy applied toward teachers, who were not conforming to the requirements of CPC. The pedagogues who were unwilling to comply with the new conditions, were released, or transferred to schools in the remoted regions situated in small villages. The leadership of CPC was fully aware of deep influence which teachers have upon pupils and students. The paper is mapping the strategy of school authorities in pursuance of education in line with ideology of Marxism-Leninism. Teachers were obliged to attend various ideological and political lectures and classes. At the same time they were obliged to increase their qualification via study in addition to their teaching duties. The paper also elaborates on various activities performed by pedagogues, which were not connected to their professional duties.
The security service (SB) has been interested in the staff of the University of Silesia since its creation (1968), however, a significant increase in that type of interest was noticed in the 1970s and 1980s. The scope of observation of academic circles has increased at that time, finishing this very process with the formation of a separate unit of the SB in 1982, the task of which was a struggle with anti-systemic attitudes in the environment of higher education in Katowice. In its operation- al work, SB gained secret agents (TW) from the academic circle (academics, students, academic- technical workers, supportive organs), and used operational connections (KO). The operational connections involved usually members of the Polish United Workers Party. It was assumed that they are to some extent obliged to “help” the security organs, without imposing any formal com- mitments consisting in signing the declarations of cooperation on the secret service organ at the same time. They worked more eagerly than secret agents who were often gained via blackmail or other forms of compulsion. Operational contacts in the form of people performing big and decisive functions in the university were often used. After November 1989, a subsequent reorganization of the SB, deriving from a change of the political situation in the country, the task of the “security” of higher education and academic institutions was taken over (together with an agency) by the Constitutional State Order Protec- tion Division. Its officers closed the case “University” in January 1990 and made the exposition materials be destroyed. Finally, the observation of the academic circle by the structures of the security service finished with its liquidation between May and August 1990.
Political revival in Poland in 1956 characterised by among others a progressive freedom of speech, brought about criticism of the Stalinist period, including criticism of the judiciary. At that time, the first attempt to call Stalinist prosecutors accused of breaking law and order to ac- count. In so doing, even the special committees were established. Their conclusions were only partially realized. None of the prosecutors indicated in the committee reports was brought to court between 1956 and 1958. The only “inconveniences” some of them experienced included relegation to a different prosecutor’s position, exemption from the prosecutor’s office or lowering the military rank in the case of military prosecutors.
The study examines the parameters of anti-American sentiment in Slovak socialist realist poetry. The research is based on the assumption that period thinking about ideological antagonism was Manichaean in character, which is connected with the frequent use of extreme, demonizing mechanisms in the structure of descriptions of enemy subjects. The poetry of this period is subordinated to its “combat mission,” and as a result its expressive means are closely linked to the political propaganda language of the time. In the context of Stalinist ideology, poetic representations of the American enemy range from personification through typification to stereotyping, while the characteristics of the representations examined are determined by the need to communicate a polarized image of the world in a situation in which literary production cannot rely on direct knowledge of reality. Such writing therefore rests on a limited number of reference points, such as the name of an exposed representative of the enemy camp, ideological stereotypes, and similar elements. This helps complete the image of socialist realism as a phenomenon based on a radical reduction of reality.
Georg Lukács never wrote a separate political philosophy and we cannot even derive any Marxist political theory from his late works. Nevertheless it does not mean that we could not recognize in these works the peculiarly Lukácsian view of political philosophy. In this essay the author tries to reconstruct the architecture of his political ideas in terms of Stalinism and democracy. Therefore he shall discuss his 'political testament' of late sixties
(Title in Polish - 'Miedzy emancypacyjnym projektem kulturalnym a totalitarnym podporzadkowaniem. Analiza postaw polskich i polsko-zydowskich przedstawicieli lewicy literackiej okresu miedzywojennego w swietle badan Marci Shore'). The article examines the Marxist involvement of intellectuals from leftist literary circles in pre-WWII Poland, especially in the context of the participation of people of Jewish origin in this community. The author critically analyses the subject matter, referring to historical analyses articulated in Marci Shore's book 'Caviar and Ashes'. In this context he points to the political and intellectual diversity of Marxism of the 1920s and 1930s, and identifies the factors that made left-wing radicalism attractive to a large part of leftist Jewish intelligentsia. At the same time he points to ideological problems with tackling the issue of leftist political and cultural radicalism, which was a product of the pressure exerted by right-wing anti-communist ideas prevalent at the time (a concept that he criticizes).
The article presents possibilities and limits of adaptation of micro-historical methods to the studies of post-war Polish society on the example of the abortion trial that took place at the threshold of a social transformation of Stalinism era.
In spring 1950 poet Ladislav Novomeský was accused of the so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism. After his forced self-criticism, Novomeský was removed from his position of Minister of Education and had to leave the top politics. The leaders of the Communist Party of Slovakia appointed him as the Slovak Academy of Sciences and Arts’ president. Ladislav Novomeský performed this role during the months before his arrest in February 1951. In this essay, we analyse the poet’s inconsistent activities during this period. As president, Novomeský’s effort was to turn the Academy into top scientific institution in Slovakia, but he was also anxious to keep it in line with the political and ideological course of the Communist Party. The poet’s schizophrenic attitude during the management of Academy can be illustrated by various examples, e.g. changes in organizational structure, introduction of censorship, collaboration with the Slovak Matica, publishing of the edition of Hviezdoslav’s Library, his own work, and so on.
The study is devoted to questions of the census carried out in the Czechoslovak Republic in March 1950, especially in relation to the position of the Hungarian or Magyar minority and its development after 1918, with an emphasis on events after the end of the Second World War. The author offers a picture of the preparatory work, the actual census and its results in the context of the political and social situation in Czechoslovakia, characterized by the culmination of Stalinism and the so-called dictatorship of the proletariat. The author documents the extent to which the official political line of the state or discriminatory measures can influence the declared ethnic identification of people.
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.