According to the motto “United in diversity”, unity in diversity is a hallmark of the European Union. This allows for national peculiarities which the Union shall respect as national identities of the Member States pursuant to Art. 4 (2) TEU. This, however, requires compliance with Union law and, above all, with the values declared to be common to the Member States in Art. 2 TEU, as the Union is a legal community. The rule of law is an indispensable basis of mutual trust and requires judicial independence from the legislature and the executive as the powers to be controlled by the judiciary. To ensure judicial independence, the preliminary ruling procedure (Art. 267 TFEU) and, above all, the infringement procedure (Art. 258 TFEU) associated with sanctions (Art. 260 TFEU) need to be considered, in addition to the less than effective procedure according to Art. 7 TEU. An integration community demands that its Member States restrict their own freedom of policymaking and accept these restrictions. Therefore, maintaining the right balance between integration and remaining national competences of the Member States is an ongoing task as is ensuring the rule of law.
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Jednota v rozmanitosti je charakteristickým znakem Evropské unie. Národní zvláštnosti každého členského státu jsou součástí jeho identity, kterou je Evropská unie podle čl. 4 odst. 2 SEU povinna respektovat. Na druhé straně se však vyžaduje dodržování unijního práva, zejména společných hodnot podle čl. 2 SEU. Právo je totiž základem Evropské unie jako právního společenství. Princip právního státu představuje nezadatelný fundament vzájemné důvěry, který mimo jiné vyžaduje soudcovskou nezávislost na zákonodárné a výkonné moci, které soudy kontrolují. K dodržování těchto hodnot slouží jednak velmi málo účinné řízení podle čl. 7 SEU, jednak řízení o porušení smlouvy, v němž mohou být členskému státu ukládány sankce. Integrativní společenství vyžaduje omezení politické moci členských států. Proto je stanovení a dodržování správné míry poměru mezi unijní integrací a pravomocemi členských států trvalým úkolem obdobně jako respektování principu právního státu.
The obligation of residence is the obligation to reside in a specific territory on a permanent basis in connection with holding an ecclesiastical office. The delict of violation of the obligation of residence is penalized under can. 1396 of the 1983 Code of Canon Law and is strictly linked to the entrusted ecclesiastical office such as: cardinals holding specific offices in the Roman Curia, diocesan bishop, coadjutor bishop, auxiliary bishop, diocesan administrator, pastor, parochial administrator and a group of clerics administering the parish in solidum, parochial vicar. Violation of the obligation of residence is subject to a mandatory penalty. The gravest penalty provided for by the ecclesiastical legislator is the privation of ecclesiastical office.
The obligation of residence is the obligation to reside in a specific territory on a permanent basis in connection with holding an ecclesiastical office. The delict of violation of the obligation of residence is penalized under can. 1396 of the 1983 Code of Canon Law and is strictly linked to the entrusted ecclesiastical office such as: cardinals holding specific offices in the Roman Curia, diocesan bishop, coadjutor bishop, auxiliary bishop, diocesan administrator, pastor, parochial administrator and a group of clerics administering the parish in solidum, parochial vicar. Violation of the obligation of residence is subject to a mandatory penalty. The gravest penalty provided for by the ecclesiastical legislator is the privation of ecclesiastical office.
The aim of this paper is to analyze the current impact of the implementation of the European Union sanctions related to the Ukrainian War on the abnormal rates of return on the stock prices of companies listed on the stock exchanges. It was hypothesized that the implementation of the European Union sanctions related to the Ukrainian War is causing the varied abnormal rates of return on the stock prices of companies listed on the stock exchanges, taking into consideration the type of sector and the geographical proximity to the military conflict. The analysis used panel data event studies prepared using the daily rates of return on the stock prices of companies listed on the stock exchanges. Data were collected from the Refinitiv Eikon database. The models included divisions according to the type of sector and the geographical proximity to the military conflict. The results show that the reactions of subsectors varied. The significant impact was in the vicinity of Russia and Ukraine.
The latest conflict in Ukraine changed the security situation on the European continent significantly and brought into question the adequacy of the present global rule to keep order in the world. The situation in Ukraine showed how key countries could cooperate when protecting human values and democratic standards stated in international agreements. This article presents how the conflict in Ukraine became a threat for the EU’s integrity. It analyses measures implemented by the organization to stop the war in the neighboring country and researches proposals that were rejected during the decision-making procedure. The aim of the work is to examine the ability of the EU to stay cohesive and decisive in the situation of a close external threat. The methods for the research are: qualitative research of secondary data, interviews, scientific analysis and synthesis.
The aim of this paper is to fill the cognitive gap regarding the role of sanctions in the protection of a creditor’s property rights in the event of an entrepreneur insolvency. The impact of sanctions on transaction costs, including their identification and types, as well as the impact on the protection of creditor rights, has been poorly recognized in the subject literature to date. This article investigates the theory of transaction costs and property rights by providing an identification and description of formal negative sanctions, as well as their impact on counteracting the appropriation of creditors’ rights in bankruptcy proceedings. These studies are part of the discussion on the role of formalized negative sanctions, in terms of enforcing behaviours expected by the legislator.
Active labour market policy emphasises applying an individual approach to the unemployed and understanding and acknowledging their individual needs. However, the staff at the Labour Office of the Czech Republic (PES), who are in direct contact with the clients, are also in charge of the administration of sanctions. Their agenda therefore combines both supportive and disciplinary roles. In this article, we examine how much discretion these frontline workers have in the area of sanctioning clients and how they exercise it. We analyse qualitative data from semi-structured interviews conducted at two contact local offices of the PES. The interviews revealed that job advisors use their discretion in favour of clients, i.e. they don't proceed with the sanctions despite violation of the rules by client (especially in the case of certain categories of clients and specific types of rule violation). Their decisions are influenced by their empathy, values, and professional experiences, and by the behaviour of clients and their history with the PES.
Poland, like several other European Union countries, adopted restrictive measures in response to the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine in 2022, as well as serious human rights violations against civil society and the democratic opposition in Russia and Belarus. The aim of this article is to characterise the economic entities subject to the restrictive measures applied in Poland. The type of activities carried out by these entities, the countries of their registration and their links with Russia or Belarus were taken into account as reasons for freezing their activities on the basis of the Polish sanctions list and the administrative decisions by which the list was entered. As an example, the authors analysed the case of an economic entity listed on the sanctions list, taking into account both the rationale for its inclusion and the established scope of restrictive measures, as well as additional legal mechanisms implemented to minimise the negative effects of these measures. The case analysis allowed for answering the question of the legitimacy of introducing individual restrictive measures at the national level and whether the application of such measures can impact the security of energy resource supplies, the functioning of transmission infrastructure, and critical infrastructure.
In the article is analyzed European Union crisis diplomacy with Iran, which finally brought to the final settlements. Beside the nuclear issues, in EU and Iran relations are visible other issues, as such as: human rights, security, energy and trade. In the 90’s and 2000’s EU proposed the formula critical and comprehensive dialogue. Now after nuclear settlement, crisis diplomacy with Iran is essential, due to the problems and challenges related with internal Iranian politics and its regional policy.
As a result of the annexation of Crimea and the Russian aggression in Ukraine in 2014, the United States as well as other states and international organizations decided to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation. The sanctions were mainly directed against the energy and banking sectors. The following article presents the condition of the Russian energy sector after 2014 with regard to the consequences of the Western sanctions.
The question of proportionality is undoubtedly an overriding concern of forma requirements in the modern private law – approaching form as a functionally motivated regulatory tool (designed to reach particular economic and social goals). A the goals in question and particular goals for their fulfilment (both formalities itself, as well as the consequences prescribed for their non-observance) are set forth generally, regardless of any particular legal dealing already made, the interdependence between these two spheres (“goals” and “means”) is being predetermined in equally abstract terms. This peculiarity – proper both (yet in different shape) for the requirements enacted through statute and stipulated by the parties – entails the need of assessment, whether formalities and effects of their breach remain actually proportional against the particular circumstances arising in their application. In some instances the balance in question can be distorted due to the occurrences and conditions existing both at the time of decision making or prior to it, as well as arising later on. In these cases emerges the need for restoring proportionality – and, if recognized, incentivizes to seek for remedial tools. The text summarizes the most common ways of maintaining and restoring proportionality, developed by the judiciary (in discourse with the doctrine) and statutory law, supplemented by the parties’ dealings. Upon these observations it attempts to identify the more common structures and concepts underlying the issue of proportionality in the field of formal requirements.
The 50th anniversary of the Prague Spring is marked in 2018. Today, the events of 1968 retain their significance for relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The subject of the research is the impact of the events of the Prague Spring in 1968 on current relations between Russia and the countries of the former Czechoslovakia. The author analyzes in detail the key causes and consequences of the Prague Spring, as well as the current state of Russian-Czech and Russian-Slovak relations in conditions of anti-Russian sanctions.Analyzing the role of the attitudes of modern Czechs and Slovaks to the events of 1968, the author concluded that for the citizens of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, they are more historical. Condemning the entry of Warsaw Pact troops into Prague, Russia closed this chapter in its relations with the countries of the former Czechoslovakia. At the same time, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, becoming separate countries, overcame the problems in their relations in the 20th century.The article demonstrates that the deterioration of bilateral relations between Russia and the Czech Republic and Russia and Slovakia is due not to unsatisfied historical claims, but to the general cooling in relations between Russia and the EU and the policy of sanctions. Today, Prague and Bratislava are forced to balance between Brussels and Moscow, seeking to ensure their national interests, which for the Czech Republic and Slovakia are inextricably linked with both the European Union and Russia.The novelty of the research lies in the study of relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia through the prism of the evolution of their cultural and historical determinants. Thus, the author used the case study method and content analysis in his research. The theoretical basis of the research was the works of both Russian and foreign authors. The practical basis of the study was data from sociological surveys conducted in the Czech Republic and Slovakia in recent decades, as well as the evidence of eyewitnesses of the events of the Prague Spring.
The article analyses the positions of the Visegrad Group and the Baltic countries on the Russia-Ukraine conflict that erupted in 2014. The authors prove that Poland, Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia are united by perception that the Russian aggression in Ukraine is a threat to their national security, they support for tough policy of anti-Russian sanctions in the international arena, and assist Ukraine and the level of declarations and at the level of action. Nonetheless , level of their participation and support for Ukraine depends on their actual capabilities and domestic and foreign policy priorities. Reactions of other V4 countries to events in Ukraine are more restrained and vary from quiet pragmatism in Slovakia to clear pro-Russian voices in the Czech Republic and Hungary. It is unlikely, however, that their position can be a real obstacle to the implementation of the common EU action in the near future.
Penalties are important part of any regulatory framework. They represent an ultima ratio measure which complements preventive and corrective measures. The goal of this article is to analyse and compare regulatory frameworks of the Visegrád countries in a perspective of penalties which aim to secure compliance with budgetary discipline. The article concludes that there exist significant differences between Visegrád countries. Utilizing a comparative method of research, primarily based on a questionnaire survey conducted by the authors, and responded to by a team of legal scholars, this article offers valuable insight for the legal scholarship and policymaking withing the Visegrád countries.
The current sustainable development of the world is threatened by a lot of factors, e.g. armed conflicts, terrorism, migration waves and others. Nowadays, the most significant factor for the Slovak Republic, and the whole Middle Europe, is the conflict in the Ukraine. The European Union has been joined to solution of this conflict since its beginning. The contribution summarizes the sanctions development between the Russian Federation and the European Union. The sanctions have relevant impact on the development of various economic indicators, through which we can describe the economy development of the country. The main aim of the paper is to describe the development of strategic raw materials prices and their correlation with imposed sanctions.
The unprovoked Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2014 triggered the need for a European response. With unprecedented speed, the Union adopted a series of restrictive measures limiting trade with the Russian Federation, freezing the assets of individuals, and restricting their activities in the Single Market. The Union also had to address the issue of the undermining of European unity and society by Russian media houses based in Member States. Restrictions on the broadcasting of Russia Today France were subsequently challenged in the European General Court. This was the first time the Court had ruled on restrictions on the activities of an entire editorial office. The days of innocence are coming to an end and days of hard choices are becoming the norm as the Union begins to assume its geopolitical responsibilities.
In 2014, Russia – despite denying it – began the first stage of the conflict in Ukraine by military occupation of a part of Ukraine’s territory. The European Union as an entity that wants to be considered one of the key participants in international relations could not leave this without reaction, especially since the events took place in its immediate neighbourhood and constituted an obvious violation of international law. Therefore, sanctions and restrictions were imposed on Russia hoping that they would trigger some reflection in the Kremlin. Nothing of the sort happened, so in 2022, Russia started the second stage of the conflict intended to seize further Ukrainian territories and place a government in Kiev that would be obedient to Moscow. This time the EU’s reaction was slightly different. This article is an attempt to familiarize the reader with EU activities regarding the Ukrainian conflict.
The imposition of unprecedented technological sanctions on the Russian Federation following its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 marked a turning point in the use of economic instruments as tools of international pressure. This study examines the long-term structural consequences of these sanctions on Russia’s technological development and economic transformation. While shortterm effects-such as inflation, ruble depreciation, and the withdrawal of Western companies-were quickly evident, the paper focuses on the more complex, systemic implications for Russia’s high-tech sectors and innovation potential. The research analyzes key indicators such as R&D investment levels, patent activity, high-tech exports, and the ability to substitute critical imports. It explores the limitations of Russia’s domestic innovation capacity, the effectiveness of import substitution programs, and the growing technological dependence on China. Findings suggest that Russia faces deepening technological stagnation, institutional inertia, and a weakening capacity for structural modernization. The study concludes that without access to advanced technologies and global innovation networks, Russia risks long-term marginalization in the global economy, reinforcing its reliance on low-tech, resource-based industries. The analysis is based on desk research using data from international institutions, think tanks, and scientific literature. It contributes to the broader debate on sanctions as tools of systemic disruption and offers insight into the strategic role of technology in shaping global power dynamics in the 21st century.
The aim of this article is to analyze the case of Lithuania, which since 2014 has become one of the key advocates and active supporters of imposing sanctions on Russia. The analysis focuses on Lithuania’s efforts to promote and strengthen sanctions against Russia, particularly after 2022, following the start of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. The structure of the article consists of four parts: Lithuania’s foreign and security policy in a changing world order; the history of Lithuanian-Russian relations in 1990–2020; Lithuania’s relations with Russia in 2020–2022; and Lithuania’s relations with Russia in 2022–2025. The analysis shows that sanctions work to some extent: they limit Russia’s ability to invest in modern industry, military technologies, and further development of the raw materials sector, and they are likely to be effective in the long term.
The aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2022 and the actions of Belarus, both at the internal level and in support of Russia, have caused numerous changes in the geopolitical dimension, with consequences reaching beyond the European continent. They also resulted in the adoption of specific legal measures, both at the European Union and national levels, to counteract support for this aggression. The aim of this study is to present national legal solutions regarding restrictive measures against persons and entities that were introduced by the Act on special solutions for counteracting support for aggression against Ukraine and for the protection of national security. The article sets out their relationship to the mechanisms contained in European Union regulations and identifies the need for legal changes to adopt permanent systemic solutions for the application of national restrictive measures.
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