Search results - CEJSH

1

The Limits of the Power of the Judges

100%

Koudelka Z., Váňa A.

Forum Prawnicze

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2020

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issue 6 (62)

16-23

2

Socjotechnika władzy

85%

Scheffs Ł.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2016

|

issue 1

35-48

EN

Discussing the matter of sociotechnics I would like to note that I will mainly concentrate on various approaches of the same problem. What interests me the most is the answer to the question of why social engineering, which is, after all, the result of a wide scientific reflection, creatively developed on the Polish scientific ground, currently was relegated solely and not only on the canvas of the common knowledge to issues purely political. At the same time, I will try to indicate those elements which, in my opinion, contributed to uniquely identifying sociotechnics with political power. The assumption implies a thorough analysis of at least Polish literature and fundamentally determines descriptive nature of the entire study. Emphasizing the importance of linguistic purism in the social sciences I should clarify that the subject of further deliberation will be sociotechnics which is sometimes identified with social engineering. Personally, I separate these two concepts. Social engineering is the science which task is to select the appropriate measures. The most frequently they are associated with the appropriate values and/or help to achieve them. Social engineering is therefore the procedure for the selection of appropriate sociotechnical measures. Sociotechnics, in turn, is a collection of techniques and knowledge of cause-andeffect chains of human behaviors and attitudes, which control system, influencing controlled system use it in order to achieve marked out by social engineering goals.

PL

Obierając za przedmiot rozważań socjotechnikę władzy, pragnę zwrócić uwagę, że w głównej mierze będę poruszał się w otoczeniu różnych ujęć tego samego problemu. Nurtującym mnie zagadnieniem jest bowiem odpowiedź na pytanie, dlaczego socjotechnika, która jest przecież efektem szerokiej refleksji naukowej, twórczo rozwijanej również na polskim gruncie naukowym, obecnie sprowadzona została wyłącznie – i to nie tylko na kanwie wiedzy potocznej – do zagadnień stricte politycznych? Jednocześnie starał się będę wskazać te elementy, które w moim przekonaniu przyczyniły się do jednoznacznego utożsamiania socjotechniki z władzą (polityczną). Tak poczynione założenie zakłada gruntowną analizę przynajmniej polskiej literatury przedmiotu i w zasadniczy sposób determinuje deskryptywny charakter całego opracowania. Akcentując wagę puryzmu językowego w naukach społecznych winien jestem wyjaśnienie, iż przedmiotem dalszych rozważań będzie socjotechnika, która niekiedy utożsamiana jest z inżynierią społeczną. Osobiście rozdzielam te dwa pojęcia. Inżynieria społeczna to nauka, której zadaniem jest dobieranie odpowiednich środków (socjotechnicznych). Najczęściej są one powiązane z odpowiednimi wartościami i/lub dopomagają w ich osiągnięciu. Inżynieria społeczna jest więc de facto procedurą doboru odpowiednich środków socjotechnicznych. Socjotechnika z kolei stanowi zbiór technik i wiedzy o łańcuchach przyczynowo-skutkowych zachowań i postaw ludzkich, którymi system sterujący, oddziałując na system sterowany posługuje się, aby osiągnąć wytyczone przez inżynierię społeczną cele.

3

Rewolucja honoru i godności na Ukrainie: perspektywa żydowska

80%

Hon M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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issue 3(34/1)

79-92

EN

The article deals with the analysis of the attempts of the central government of Ukraine to inspire Jewish card in the political crisis of late 2013 – early 2014.The author analyzes its initiatives on the use of anti-Semitic insinuations to discredit and suppress opposition, cancellation of the presidential elections and examines the position of the Association of Jewish Organizations and Communities of Ukraine in the Revolution of honor and dignity.

4

Yuan Versus United States Dollar: the Defective Bipolar China–United States Relationship

80%

Smagorowicz-Chojnowska M.

International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

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2018

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vol. 22

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issue 1

119-136

EN

The chosen currency regime places a state within the international economic order. Therefore, the exchange rate is a key to creating an internal financial system and opening it up to foreign participants. In this paper we would like to show the differences between China and the USA and examine their impact on potential changes on the distribution of power in the international system. We will also try to prove that this field is a missing link in preventing the final launching of a symmetrical bipolar system which will finally force China to accept the rules of a Washington Consensus instead of following its own patterns. The case study method will be used in order to compare market data and assess the role of currencies for the given model.

5

Smart Power wobec asymetrii użycia siły wojskowej

80%

Piątek J.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2014

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issue 12

232-248

EN

The article discusses the most important issues related to using military power. The author emphasizes the importance of military power both in the history of international relations and in the contemporary world. He also devotes a lot of space to analyzing broadly understood usefulness of military power.

6

Dyskursywne konstruowanie wizerunku władzy przez współczesną polską prawicę (wokół reformy emerytalnej i Euro 2012)

80%

Ciesek B.

Oblicza Komunikacji

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2014

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vol. 7

173-186

EN

In the article the author examines the conceptualisation of the notion of power by the contemporary right in Poland. Its methodological basis is provided by studies of the image of the world constructed from a specific point of view integrated with a discourse analysis. In this approach power is seen as a linguistic construct, while various profiles reveal close links to socio-cultural determinants as well as ideological codes. Discursive strategies employed in this case take advantage of the bipolarity of the assessment of social phenomena with stereotypical value judgements, emotionalisation of utterances and dichotomous division of the world.

7

O piłce nożnej z pasją

80%

Kubiaczyk F.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2017

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issue 15

289-300

EN

Rev. of: Zbyszko Melosik, Piłka nożna. Tożsamość, kultura i władza [Football. Identity, Culture and Power]

PL

Zbyszko Melosik, Piłka nożna. Tożsamość, kultura i władza, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, Poznań 2016, ss. 199

8

Racja stanu jako suwerenność państwa in actu

80%

Danek A.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2015

|

vol. 13

7-16

XX

The article above attempts to clarify relation between notions of sovereignty and reason of state. Both notions refer to the same matter – state. Author explicates an argument according to which state sovereignty in international relations depends on its amount of power while reason of state is a demand of permanent enlargement of state’s power. Implementation of reason of state leads to increase and enhancement of state sovereignty.

9

Szkic stanowiący wstęp do badań o Państwie wiedzy

80%

Châtelet F., Mitera E.

ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal

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2018

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vol. 8

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issue 2

10

Hyperpower as a post-Westphalian international environment management hub

80%

Szumowski A. R.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2020

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vol. 6

|

issue 4

85-126

EN

The issue of managing the late-Westphalian international environment, especially in the phase of a deep and accelerated qualitative transformation, is among one of the most intensely analyzed by the scientific community. Many models are considered by different scholars, ranging from imperial models to multi-level management models. One of the forms of managing international relations and a tool of power projection can be the form called a hyperpower. It is a unique subjective structure including a core in the form of a superpower and a network of connections and decision-making chains – formal as well as informal – functioning in the transnational social space. This system is situated as an intermediate form between empire and hegemony. It is distinguished from the former by flexibility and softness, from the latter – by international legitimacy that goes beyond the mere recognition of effectiveness in managing global affairs. Its functioning can be traced on the example of three most important functions: sanction, indoctrination, and legitimization.

11

Postnowoczesne odrealnienie. Problem redukcyjności we współczesnej filozofii polityki na przykładzie analizy kategorii władzy w koncepcji Michela Foucaulta

80%

Podniesiński M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2010

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issue 1(13)

213-227

EN

This paper is an analysis of the category of power in Michel Foucault’s philosophy. In the whole work of the philosopher it is definitely abused and often used as a hyperbole or a metaphor only, not as a specific social relation. I argue that especially in Foucault’s writings of 1970s the category of power is used not only as a hypothesis, but also as a justification, which makes much of Foucault’s interesting analysis only a postmodern narrative. In this respect philosophy of Foucault remains Hegelian, trying to enclose the rich experience of European modern culture in one mind, with one superior rule.

12

Jak se rodí gender v diagnostickém ústavu

80%

Benešová J.

Sociální pedagogika (Social Education)

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2014

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vol. 2

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issue 2

38-61

EN

The article is a summary of the main findings concerning (re)construction of the gender identities of children placed in a contemporary diagnostic child-care facility in the Czech Republic. The research setting has the fictitious name DDÚ Archa. The author of the arcticle is summarizing the interim results from her Ph.D. dissertation project. The goal is to catch processes which have been neglected so far by the Czech professional community, and which may become potential disciplinary tools in the hands of professionals in a wide range of helping professions, including social and special pedagogy.

13

Hopeful Provocations for a Dialogue with Critical Pedagogy

80%

Steinberg S. R.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

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2021

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vol. 12

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issue 24

124-129

EN

In respect for the tentative ways of knowing critical pedagogy, I choose not to define the notion, but rather discuss it from my point of view. It is easier to begin by discussion on what critical pedagogy is not: Critical pedagogy is not prescriptive way of teaching. It is not teacher-proof because it invites teachers to make their own decisions. It is expected to be student-centered but does not prioritize that the student has more to say than the teacher. It is respectful of different traditions, different ways of seeing the world. I would say that critical pedagogy is couched in literacies and, in a non-academic sense, it is couched in the notion of Paulo Freire’s notion of reading the world... the word becomes less important than the world, once one understands the world, cultures, societies, people actually do read the word better. For the purpose of this essay, I embed quotes from Freire’s work to include his voice within the text. There’s no such thing as neutral education. Education either functions as an instrument to bring about conformity or freedom. - Richard Shaull, Foreword in Paulo Freire, 1972

14

Socjotechnicze aspekty personalizacji polityki

80%

Scheffs Ł.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2015

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vol. 47

25-42

EN

An issue of interest is the process of personalization of politics. I am going to examine it from the point of view of social engineering. There is no doubt that we can find many things in common between social engineering and personalization. Personalization is a broader syndrome of traits that can be reduced to a change in the nature of leadership in democracy, especially in campaign. As one might expect cause of this state of affairs, on the one hand it is still a growing number of those who serve as prime minister on the basis of “presidential style of administration”, on the other hand – the actual (institutional) changes in parliamentary systems.

15

Maquiavelo, el príncipe frustrado

80%

Esparza Leibar A.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

|

2018

|

issue 17

287-306

ES

This article advances a hypothesis which differs from those usually formulated about “The Prince”. Here, Machiavelli is not simply a scholar versed in political philosophy. The theories that he expounds on in this particular piece of work would, in part, be the result of long-term efforts he undertook to gain power for himself and become a sovereign. In order to support this assertion, it is necessary to turn to his biography. His interventions as a high official (particularly during the latter years of the Florentine Republic) have been compared to the reflections he compiled in The Prince . This information points to the fact that Machiavelli followed a meticulous plan in order to carry out a coup d´état, taking shelter behind Soderini – agonfalonier for life – for whom he acted as main counsellor. Some of his contemporaries (and his political enemies in particular) already expressed their suspicions in that regard. The corresponding references have been included in the article.

16

Moc v dialogickém vyučování

80%

Šeďová K.

Pedagogická orientace (Journal of the Czech Pedagogical Society)

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2015

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vol. 25

|

issue 1

32–62

EN

The aim of this study is to explore the relations of power between the teacher and students in the context of the so-called dialogic teaching, which is a type of teaching that stimulates students’ active participation in the teaching communication. Based on data of a research into the implementation of dialogic procedures in humanities at lower secondary schools, the article shows that in dialogic teaching there is circulation of power between the teacher and pupils. This means that the adjustment of mutual relations between teachers and pupils enables functional interchange of power between both parties. Furthermore, the article identifies partial elements of the circulation of power such as the decrease of the dominance of the teacher and the achievement of a consensus about the definition of the situation between the teacher and pupils.

17

Monarchia absolutna ludwika XIV. Nowe ścieżki badawcze

80%

Grobelna P.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

|

2014

|

issue 10

53-73

PL

The classical perception of French absolutism, which so far has been identified with the system of powerful rule of the monarch with only theoretical limitations, should be subject to revision. A reinterpretation of the manner of exercising power is inevitable, especially having adopted the approach where absolutist theory is confronted with the practice of rule. Such a perspective reveals practical limitations of the monarch’s power, which obstruct a full performance of prerogatives arising from the theory of absolutist rule. !e interests of historians in the issues relating to the functioning of a state yielded a new approach to Louis’ XIV absolutism, while the vast body of pertinent works creates a situation where it is easy to lose one’s bearings in the maze of equivocal answers. Through a brief summary of the major themes in conducted studies, the article aims to demonstrate the complexity of the problem that French absolutism represents today

18

The international balance of power in the year 2050 (security implications)

80%

Kłos P., Kobryński R.

Security and Defence Quarterly

|

2014

|

vol. 3

|

issue 2

29-45

EN

The project aims at applying qualitative and quantitative methods to create a model of the international balance of power in 2050. This allows to create more accurate forecasts of future security environment development and its implications. For the purpose, the authors use a computational model developed by Professor Mirosław Sulek, the Polish pioneer of powermetrics research. Fundamentals of the interdisciplinary model can be found in international relations theories, security studies methods, cybernetics and physics. The authors are directly involved in developing this field of research and their intention is to share initial results of their work.

19

Jednotlivec v labyrintu moci : Josef Šafařík a jeho pojetí paradoxnosti lidské emancipace

80%

Bláha P.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2012

|

vol. 60

|

issue 2, Special No: Hledání ztraceného času

149-165

EN

Josef Šafařík’s philosophising reﬂects an important stage in our nation’s cultural development. The article seeks to trace the distinctive trait of his reﬂections, his positing of contrasting polarities. Such polarities present not only the motivational contrasts of human behaviour but also the possibility of application to the chronology of history. It is precisely this context of historical interpretation – presented most fully in Šafařík’s life-work, On the Way to the Last – which may in retrospect oﬀer an in¬sight into the very nature of the polar articulation of Šafařík’s thought.

20

The power and the security – Selected issues

80%

Kobryński R.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2016

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vol. 10

|

issue 1

121-133

EN

In this article, the author presents some common areas for the categories of power and security. Diagnosis of the security environment of a political unit should include both A qualitative and quantitative approach to the assessment of its power and that of neighbouring countries. Such comparisons of balance of power between the countries give the security assessment a broader range. it may be used, in addition, by design for the foreign and security policy of a state.

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