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1

BEWILDERMENT OF A SCOTTISH HISTORIAN: R.W. SETON-WATSON AND THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY IN SLOVAKIA, 1918 – 1923

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Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2012
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vol. 5
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issue 1
69 – 80
EN
Among the handful of early-twentieth century Western analysts of Eastern European problems, the Scottish contemporary historian R.W. Seton-Watson was by no means the least important. His work “Racial Problems in Hungary“ from 1908 was a remarkable attempt to analyse the historical evolution of the Slovak-Magyar (ethnic Hungarian) relationship and the contemporary realities of multinational Hungary, in which the non-Magyar nationalities were subjected to a relentless policy of Magyarisation and national oppression. During the First World War Seton-Watson exerted his influence in Britain to help the revolutionary Czecho-Slovak leadership to proclaim a Czecho-Slovak state after the defeat of the Central Powers. At the end of 1918 this state was founded, but a serious problem emerging at the outset was the presence of large German and Magyar minorities in its territory. In the Slovak part of the new state the Magyar minority made up some twenty percent of the population, and the question was what kind of policies the Czechoslovak government was going to implement with regard to the Hungarians and the promises of cultural autonomy. This also included social issues, in particular the question of land reform of which both Slovak and Magyar peasants should benefit. In 1923 Seton-Watson made his first visit to Slovakia after the War and the successful national revolution of 1918, visiting several locations in the country and presenting his findings in “The New Slovakia“, published the following year. It is evident that Seton-Watson found it difficult to evaluate the new situation in a straigthforward or consistent way. He sympathised with the new Czechoslovak state, but he also expressed some criticism with regard to certain Czechoslovak or Slovak policies on the Magyar minority. It would seem that the complexity of Seton-Watson´s views can be seen as an example of the bewilderment of Western commentators when it comes to trying to understand the complexities and dilemmas involved in the national problems of Central and Eastern Europe.
2

SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY IN SLOVAKIA 1918 – 1921

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Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2015
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vol. 8
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issue 1
5 – 15
EN
The paper addresses the origins of the ‘Hungarian minority question’ in Slovakia, which emerged after the national revolutions in Central Europe in 1918-19 and which is still a hot issue today. Special attention is paid to the milieu of the multi-ethnic (Hungarian, Slovak, and German) social democratic movements and to the question of how the different ethnic elements of this movement tried to come to terms with the new political challenges posed by the radical change in inter-ethnic power structure in Slovakia. The Hungarian social democrats were among the first to come forward with ‘new’ ideas, now understanding the need for them in their new situation.
3

PORTUGAL AND SLOVAKIA IN EUROPEAN COMPARISON: SOME HISTORICAL, POLITICAL AND MULTICULTURAL OBSERVATIONS

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Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2009
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vol. 2
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issue 2
58 – 70
EN
This essay tries to make a comparative analysis of Portugal and Slovakia as European nations from a modern historical, contemporary political and multicultural perspective. It is hoped that in this way not only the differences but also certain similarities between the two countries can be elucidated. The historical perspective shows that there are parallels between Portugal and Slovakia in various ways, e.g. with regard to the strong position of the Catholic Church and the problems in introducing earlier programmes of social, cultural and political modernisation. The political analysis of developments in the twentieth century shows that in both nations it was rather difficult to carry through policies of democratic political reform, as Portugal fell prey to a right-wing authoritarian regime with fascist overtones and Slovakia first experienced a similar form of ‘clerical fascism’ and then had to undergo the yoke of communist totalitarianism. As a result both countries are still suffering from a legacy of ‘democratic deficit’, although Slovakia probably more than Portugal. Not the least interesting aspect of the social, cultural and political profile of present-day Portugal and Slovakia is the issue of multicultural problems and population structure. In both countries this is a notable feature of the contemporary scene. In Portugal the issue is mainly the result of mass immigration from the country’s former colonies; in Slovakia it is rather a question of long-standing problems such as the status of the Hungarian minority and the social integration of the substantial Roma population. A comparison of both variants of the multicultural problematic is an interesting and challenging task for contemporary historians and social and political scientists.
4

MONTENEGRO’S GULF OF KOTOR AS A HISTORICAL BORDER REGION: POLITICAL RIVALRY, CULTURAL COMPETITION, AND LOCAL CO-EXISTENCE IN A LONG-TERM PERSPECTIVE

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Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2014
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vol. 7
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issue 1
21 – 42
EN
This essay argues that Boka Kotorska, Montenegro’s Gulf of Kotor region, can be conceptualised as a political, cultural, and religious border region where ‘East’ and ‘West’, the Orthodox and Catholic worlds, encountered each other and overlapped over a long period of time. There were various political and economic actors involved in this historical process of rivalry and co-existence, including Byzantium, Venice, Serbia, the Ottoman Empire, and Montenegro and its predecessors Duklja and Zeta. The Gulf of Kotor became a region where a large number of Catholic and Italian-influenced settlements sprung up, although the Orthodox population appears to have constituted a majority of the population even in Venetian and Austrian-controlled territory between the Late Middle Ages and the early twentieth century. Patterns of co-existence in the town of Kotor and elsewhere did not prevent the emergence of religious and political conflict on many occasions. But these contradictory aspects of rivalry and co-existence balanced each other during most of the long period that the Gulf of Kotor region had a certain political, economic, and cultural importance. This may contribute to our understanding of the dynamics of larger and smaller European border regions and of European history as a whole. In a micro-region like Boka Kotorska destructive confrontation and constructive interpenetration can be observed as a long-term process.
5

MONTENEGRO OLD AND NEW: HISTORY, POLITICS, CULTURE, AND THE PEOPLE

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Poláčková Z., Duin van P.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2013
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vol. 6
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issue 1
60 – 82
EN
The authors are focusing on how Montenegro today is coming to terms with the task of becoming a modern European nation, which implies recognition not only of democracy, the rule of law, and so forth, but also of a degree of ‘multiculturalism’, that is recognition of the existence of cultural, ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities in a society that is dominated by a Slavic Orthodox majority. In his context they are analyzing the history of the struggle of the Montenegrin people against a host of foreign invaders – after they had ceased to be invaders themselves – and especially their apparently consistent refusal to accept Ottoman sovereignty over their homeland seemed to make them the most remarkable freedom fighters imaginable and led to the creation of a special Montenegrin image in Europe. This image of heroic stubbornness and unique martial bravery was even consciously cultivated in Western and Central Europe from the early nineteenth century onwards, as the Greeks, the Serbs, the Montenegrins and other Balkan peoples began to resist the Ottoman Empire in a more effective way and the force of Romantic nationalism began to influence the whole of Europe, from German historians to British politicians, and also including Montenegrin and Serbian poets themselves. The authors of this essay carried out an improvised piece of investigation into current conditions, attitudes, and feelings on both the Albanian and the Slavic-Montenegrin side.
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