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Úskalí globální hybridizace (či hybridní globalizace)

100%
Raková S.
Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)
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2018
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vol. 116
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issue 2
521-532
EN
This review article focuses on the closer analysis of the main thesis of this inspirative and provoking volume. In the editor’s view, the "Habsburg Central Europe" of the late 19th century is conceptualized as a space of ethnic, language and cultural hybrid cohesion with unstable, floating identities of its multiple inhabitants. This friendly coexistence was destroyed by invasive nationalism that has been later transformed into the ideology and political strategy of multiculturalism. In contrast with this false project dividing people into conflicting parties, the authors develop the idea of reestablishing the non-hierarchical, rhizomic and polyglossian Habsburg pluriculture as a model for future united Europe and post-colonial world. But several case studies from the recent history of the so called successive states including post-Yugoslavia prove that national identity and loyalty are not so recessive, and the legacy of the late Monarchy is not so idyllic.
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Je možné psát jiné než nacionalistické dějiny umění?:

84%
Bartlová M.
Dějiny - Teorie - Kritika (History - Theory - Criticism)
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2005
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vol. 2
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issue 2
247-254
EN
The classical, formalist methods of art history seem to be inevitably intertwined with both the “great story” and with ethnic (racial) identifications of the artistic heritage. Even if the categories of “style” and “evolution” can be evaded, this would leave a ground plan in which national state was the basic matrix for writing the kind of coherent art historical narrative still in demand from both the general public and educational systems. Histories ofthe art ofthe Central European states, e.g. of Hungary and Slovakia, are burdened by the need to define their object, and not to fall into the trap ofnationalism. This is methodologically much more difficult than is generally realised. Possible operations include, in the first instance, suspension ofthe idea of any essential ethnic regional identity. A necessary caution must be exercised in using the classical art historical methods employed for research into art from “anonymous epochs”, since national, ethnic or racial identifications are ingrained deep in their texture.
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Paradoxy vzniku republiky z pohledu českého politického myšlení : Masarykův koncept velikosti v malosti

84%
Doubek V.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
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2018
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vol. 66
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issue 5
699-724
EN
The birth of the Czechoslovak Republic in the year 1918 was fundamentally in contradiction with the determining conception of Czech realist politics, which was formulated before the outbreak of war, in harmony with the ideal of proper national growth. Using the examples of the conception of the “reform” of a “modestly populated nation” and the “small man”, put into contrast with the ideal of the times identified with dynamism and the concentration of power and size, this study analyses the transformation of the approaches of Czech political thought, especially of T. G. Masaryk, on the way to the realization of the programme of independence.
CS
Vznik Československé republiky v roce 1918 byl v podstatě v rozporu s určujícími koncepcemi české realistické politiky, které byly formulovány před vypuknutím války v souladu s tehdejším ideálem vlastního národního růstu. Na příkladech pojetí „reformy“, „nepočetného národa“ a „malého člověka“, stavěných do kontrastu s dobovým ideálem růstu, ztotožňovaným s dynamikou a koncentrací síly a velikosti, studie analyzuje proměnu přístupů českého politického myšlení, zejména pak T. G. Masaryka, na cestě za prosazením programu samostatnosti.
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Masarykova "Nová Evropa"

84%
Doubek V.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
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2023
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vol. 71
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issue 4
665-676
EN
The text of The New Europe (1918) is analyzed in this article both on its own terms, that is, as a war-time work of T. G. Masaryk formulated with a specific propagandistic aim within the framework of a campaign of resistance, but also with regard to a longer- term discussion of Czech political thinking on the subjects of national identity and statehood. In its assessment of both this narrower framework and the wider one, the article affirms Masaryk’s exceptional ability to argumentatively transfer theoretical points of departure to the needs of political propaganda. It was this very ability that enabled Masaryk to transform his status and role from that of an influential commentator with little political influence in the pre-war years into an indubitable and practically unquestioned authority not only in the field of theoretical discussion, but also in Czech politics as such. It cannot be said that Masaryk’s interpretation of the discussion going on in Czech circles regarding the conception of nation and statehood was the only possible or correct one. But it proved to be acceptable during that period of time from the point of view of both foreign allies and domestic society, thus confirming itself alone as the basis of the concept of victory and victors, which it was possible to elaborate into the more general ideological framework of future Czechoslovak state doctrine.
CS
Text Nové Evropy (1918) je v této stati analyzován jak sám o sobě, tedy jako válečná práce T. G. Masaryka formulovaná s konkrétním propagandistickým záměrem v rámci odbojové akce, tak také s ohledem na dlouhodobější diskusi českého politického myšlení k tématům národní identity a státnosti. V posouzení užšího a širšího rámce se potvrzuje Masarykova výjimečná schopnost argumentačního přenosu teoretických východisek na potřeby politické propagandy. Právě tato schopnost umožnila proměnu postavení a role tohoto před válkou vlivného komentátora slabého politického vlivu do podoby nezpochybnitelné a prakticky nezpochybňované autority nejen na poli teoretické diskuse, ale i české politiky jako takové. Nelze tvrdit, že Masarykova interpretace české diskuse věnovaná pojetí národa a státnosti byla jediná možná či správná, ale ukázala se jako dobově přijatelná jak z pohledu zahraničních spojenců, tak domácí společnosti, a tím jako by sama sebe potvrdila coby základ konceptu vítězství a vítězů, který bylo možno rozpracovat do obecnějšího ideového rámce budoucí československé státní doktríny.
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Změny příjmení na Ostravsku v roce 1947 a poválečný český nacionalismus

84%
Vejrychová E.
Acta onomastica
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2011
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vol. 52
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issue 1
203-211
EN
This text follows one aspect of the Czech post-war period which generated extreme nationalism leading to the degermanization of society and consequently of proper names. The text is focused on general principles of this process and deals more specifically with family name changes in the Moravian-Silesian region in 1947. The onymic system of this region is very particular given the mutual influence of Polish, Germa and Czech languages, permitted by the coexistence of these nations in Czechoslovakia. We could ovserve different tendencies in family name changes depending on the origin of the proper name. For Polish family names the orthographical and phonetic adaptation is dominant due to their close linguistic relation. The same mode of transformation occurred in the group of German family names because of they long-standing presence in the Czech lands, but we could note approximately same quantity of the arbitrary choice of the new name. The translations of the family name or of it's part were seen in both groups, although they were more important in German ones.
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Felix Weltsch, tvořivý střed a obranyschopná demokracie

67%
Hanyš M.
Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)
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2023
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vol. 71
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issue 4
619-635
EN
The study examines some selected motifs found in the political thought of the philosopher and journalist Felix Weltsch during the interwar period. It puts forward an interpretation of Weltsch’s concept of democracy that is placed in the broader framework of his concept of man and the political ethics of the creative center. Attention is paid both to Weltsch’s books and journalistic texts, and especially to his main political- theoretical work Das Wagnis der Mitte (1936). The study arrives at three main conclusions: 1) the political philosophy of Felix Weltsch is based on his understanding of the human being as a creative being of the center; 2) Weltsch’s concept of defensible democracy identifies the necessary limits and risks of the thoroughgoing application of democratic principles; 3) democracy is not an end and value in and of itself, and it is the task of the central position to, through creative means, successfully integrate the core of its critique of democracy; 4) the creative center’s position can integrate the core values of the critique of democracy, but must be careful not to invalidate democracy in the creative synthesis.
CS
Studie rozebírá vybrané motivy politického myšlení filosofa a publicisty Felixe Weltsche v meziválečném období. Předkládá výklad Weltschova pojetí demokracie, které je zasazeno do širšího rámce jeho pojetí člověka a politické etiky tvořivého středu. Pozornost je věnována jak Weltschovým knihám, tak publicistickým textům a zejména hlavnímu politicko-teoretickému spisu Das Wagnis der Mitte (1936). Studie dochází ke třem hlavním závěrům: 1) politická filosofie Felixe Weltsche vychází z jeho chápání člověka jako tvůrčí bytosti středu; 2) Weltschovo pojetí obranyschopné demokracie identifikuje nezbytné meze a rizika konsekventního uplatňování demokratických principů; 3) demokracie není účelem a hodnotou sama o sobě a je úkolem středové pozice, aby se jí tvořivým způsobem podařilo integrovat jádro kritiky demokracie; 4) tvůrčí středová pozice může integrovat hodnotové jádro kritiky demokracie, ale musí dbát na to, aby v tvůrčí syntéze nebyla demokracie zrušena.
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V jazyce naše... maskulinita : Případ obrozenského diskurzu

67%
Filipowicz M. Ł.
Česká literatura (Czech Literature)
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2012
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vol. 60
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issue 5
663-693
EN
It is the aim of this article to examine the relations between the conception of masculinity and the Czech language. This conception can be reconstructed on the basis of academic, journalistic and artistic National Revival texts. This research focuses on the period in which fundamental changes were taking place in European thinking on language and gender order. The article attempts to prove that on the basis of statements made on language, much can be learnt of the way in which Czech National Revivalists conceived their own masculinity. The question is foregrounded whether Czech was perceived as a language that was so masculine that it could even guarantee the conceived masculinity of its male users.
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Tematická koncentrace textu - některé aspekty autorského stylu Ladislava Jehličky

67%
Davidová Glogarová J., Čech R.
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2013
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vol. 96
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issue 5
234-245
EN
Analysis of thematic concentration is a method for the detection of thematic words and quantification of thematic concentration in a text. This method was applied to articles by the Czech Catholic writer and journalist Ladislav Jehlička from the period 1936-1942. The aim was to compare two sets of texts: texts that are considered by literary theorists to be ‘problematic’ due to their expression of extreme right-wing views, and texts that are ‘neutral’, dealing only with general social questions. We expect that, in view of the choice of theme, the ‘problematic’ texts will be more influenced by the author’s ideological stance, which in turn will be reflected in the linguistic characteristics of the texts. We then compare texts published under Jehlička’s real name with those which appeared under the pseudonym ‘Eljen’. The results reveal a surprisingly small presence of words expressing a right-wing stance or ‘problematic’ themes (e.g., fascism, Jewish) among so called thematic words as well as an independence of the thematic concentration of ideology. Finally, a non-significant difference between Jehlička’s and Eljen’s texts can be viewed as a proof of the author’s relatively stable style.
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Několik (o)bludných cest české historiografie posledních třiceti let

59%
Nečasová D.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2023
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vol. 30
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issue 1
169-174
EN
In this discussion paper, presented at the Sixteenth Congress of the Slovak Historical Society (Slovenská historická spoločnosť) on 6 September 2022 in Banská Bystrica, Denisa Nečasová reflects on contemporary Czech historiography, especially contemporary history. She focuses on those trends that she considers problematic or negative. The first of these is the persistent positivist approach of many works that avoid historical interpretation and let the facts "speak for themselves". Paradoxically, however, implicit interpretations of the past sneak in, most often in the form of nationalist and anti-communist stereotypes. Politicization and ideologization, as the second negative trend in Czech contemporary history, are applied, as Nečasová argues, especially to the communist period and burden the dispute between the proponents of the theory of totalitarianism and historical revisionism, which in recent years has been litigated in the Czech academic as well as public sphere. As a third unfortunate trend, the author points to the methodological disregard of gender structures and gendered aspects of society in most historical research. This is related to the disproportionately low representation of Czech women historians in the field, and especially in its leading positions.
CS
V tomto diskusním příspěvku, předneseném na 16. sjezdu Slovenské historické společnosti dne 6. září 2022 v Banské Bystrici, se autorka zamýšlí nad současnou českou historiografií, zvláště soudobých dějin. Zaměřuje se přitom na ty její trendy, které pokládá za problematické či negativní. První z nich spatřuje v přetrvávajícím pozitivistickém přístupu řady prací, které se vyhýbají historické interpretaci a nechávají mluvit fakta takzvaně samy za sebe. Paradoxně se pak do nich ovšem vkrádají implicitní interpretace minulosti, nejčastěji v podobě nacionalistických a antikomunistických stereotypů. Politizace a ideologizace jako druhý negativní trend českých soudobých dějin se pak uplatňují zvláště ve vztahu k období komunismu a zatěžují spor mezi zastánci teorie totalitarismu a historického revizionismu, který se vede v posledních letech v České republice značně vypjatě i ve veřejném prostoru. Jako třetí neblahý trend identifikuje autorka metodologické ignorování genderové struktury a aspektů společnosti ve většině historických výzkumů. S tím souvisí disproporčně nízké zastoupení českých historiček v oboru, a zejména v jeho vedoucích pozicích.
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Židovství v české a německé literatuře. Peníze od Hitlera Radky Denemarkové a Harlemský holocaust Maxima Billera

59%
Peroutková M.
Svět literatury – Časopis pro novodobé literatury (World of Literature – Journal for Modern Literatures)
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2015
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vol. 52
177-195
EN
This article deals with the question and depiction of Jewish identity after 1945 in Czech and German literary works. It concerns the Czech novel Money from Hitler by Radka Denemarková and the German short story Harlem Holocaust by Maxim Biller while comparing the different types of Jewishness in Germany and Czechoslovakia after WWII. The focus lies in the construction of (Jewish) identity and the interaction of Jewish protagonists with Germans, respectively Czechs. The article strives to show how the majority perceives and treats the Jews in the above mentioned literary depiction and what it says about the collective memory of Germans and Czechs.
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Nacionalismus jako most do budoucnosti: ideologie slovinských komunistů v Jugoslávii po Titovi (1980-1986)

59%
Janíčko M.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2023
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vol. 30
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issue 1
99-136
EN
The study analyses the ideological orientations of the Slovenian communist establishment in the 1980s, their mutual intersections and their significance in political practice. The author identifies five simultaneously present orientations: Sloveneism (Slovenian nationalism); Yugoslavism (Yugoslav federalism); self-managed socialism as a specifically Yugoslav variant of Marxism-Leninism; political liberalization; and later affinity to the market economy. Slovenian nationalism had the strongest position in the actions of the communist elite (League of Communists of Slovenia, Zveza komunistov Slovenije - ZKS). It was particularly concerned with maintaining Slovenia's political autonomy according to the 1974 constitution but steadily gained strength, especially under the influence of public opinion. At the same time, the Slovenian communist leaders wanted to avoid a confrontation with the radicalized public and always ended up in harmony with it on a nationalist wave. In contrast to the "Sloveneists", the "Yugoslavists" did not rely on identification with a united political demos but saw the meaning of Slovenia's involvement in the common state mainly in the joint building of self-managed socialism and in the defence against external dangers. Although the appeal of self-managed socialism was weakened by the chronic economic crisis in Yugoslavia in the 1980s, leading Slovenian communists remained committed to its ideology. They also advocated supplementing self-management with market mechanisms and a limited liberalization of conditions, which, however, was not to imply the formation of other political parties. However, the communists in Ljubljana subordinated all their other ideological orientations to Slovenian nationalism in both rhetoric and practice. This was reflected in their smooth transition to the new political-economic system on the wave of national euphoria, which culminated in the declaration of Slovenian independence in the summer of 1991.
CS
Studie analyzuje ideologické orientace slovinského komunistického establishmentu v osmdesátých letech minulého století, jejich vzájemné souvislosti a význam v politické praxi. Autor identifikuje pětici současně přítomných orientací: slovinství (slovinský nacionalismus), jugoslávství (jugoslávský federalismus), samosprávný socialismus jako specificky jugoslávskou variantu marxismu-leninismu, politickou liberalizaci a sympatie pro tržní ekonomiku. Nejsilněji se v politice Svazu komunistů Slovinska (Zveza komunistov Slovenije – ZKS) uplatňoval slovinský nacionalismus, který dbal zejména na udržení politické autonomie Slovinska podle ústavy z roku 1974 a který, zejména pod vlivem veřejného mínění, ale setrvale narůstal. Slovinské komunistické špičky se přitom nechtěly konfrontovat s radikalizující se veřejností a na nacionální vlně s ní vždy nakonec souzněly. Jugoslávství slovinských komunistů se na rozdíl od slovinství neopíralo o identifikaci s jednotným jugoslávským politickým demosem a smysl zapojení Slovinska do společného státu spatřovalo zejména ve společném budování samosprávného socialismu a v obraně před vnějšími nebezpečími. Ačkoli přitažlivost samosprávného socialismu v osmdesátých letech oslabovala chronická hospodářská krize v Jugoslávii, přední slovinští komunisté zůstávali jeho ideologii věrni. Zasazovali se zároveň za doplnění samosprávy tržními mechanismy a za omezenou liberalizaci poměrů, která však neměla implikovat vznik jiných politických stran. Slovinskému nacionalismu však komunisté v Lublani všechny své ostatní ideové orientace podřizovali jak v rétorice, tak i v praxi. To se projevilo jejich hladkým přechodem do nového politicko-ekonomického systému na vlně národní euforie po roce 1990, která vyvrcholila vyhlášením nezávislosti Slovinska v létě 1991.
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Poslankyně neruského původu v sovětském parlamentu, 1989-1991: intersekcionalita v imperiální situaci

59%
Sablin I., Medková B.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2021
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vol. 28
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issue 1
44-69
EN
The study focuses on the position of female deputies of non-Russian descent in parliamentary debates on the perestroika in the last years of the existence of Soviet Union. The key issues the author examines concern the hardships – as defined by the English term “grievances”, which denotes a variety of sources of political deprivation resulting in collective acts – these female deputies were pointing out, and what potential solutions they were proposing to mitigate or eliminate them. The most important forum where these debates were taking place was the Congress of People’s Deputies (S’ezd narodnykh deputatov), which arose from partly pluralistic elections, was the highest body of state authority of the Soviet Union from 1989 to 1991, and meant a significant progress in Gorbachev’s reform Communist leadership’s efforts to democratize the political system. Gender-wise, the body was very unbalanced as women accounted for just 352 out of its 2,250 elected members. The author work with stenographic records of speeches of the female deputies of non-Russian descent delivered during five sessions of the Congress of People’s Deputies, viewing them through a prism of concepts of “intersectionality” and “imperial situation”, which permit capturing the diversity of its composition and acts in the form of relations between various social categories (nationality/ethnicity, gender, region, profession etc.), their overlapping and self-categorization of players. The speeches of the female deputies often accentuated national grievances and hardships, which fact is indicative of a considerable importance of nationalism in Soviet discussions about the perestroika and in the systemic crisis of the USSR at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. However, they also show that viewing problems in a nationalism-tinged perspectives did not necessarily mean seeking a nationalist solution, as many of the female deputies preferred looking for a solution within the Soviet Union to that consisting in sovereignty or even independence of its republics. The female deputies also insistently reflected urgent social, economic, professional, environmental, and local problems. The final part of the article describes political careers of the female deputies after the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
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Analýza tematické koncentrace textu: komparace publicistiky Ladislava Jehličky a Karla Čapka

59%
Glogarová Davidová J., David J., Čech R.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2013
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vol. 74
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issue 1
41-54
EN
This study analyzes the thematic characteristics of journalistic texts written by the Czech Catholic intellectual and journalist Ladislav Jehlička (1916-1996) and the writer, journalist and representative of pre-war democracy Karel Čapek (1890-1938). The main aim of the article is to illustrate how Jehlička’s pre-war journalism does not correspond to what has been generally accepted by the majority of literary critics - that it is a mere manifestation of his sympathy for nationalism, Nazism, and Fascism. The methodology used was, based on the quantitative characteristics of the text, the analysis of the thematic concentration. The study detected unexpected similarities between both authors; specifically, it revealed that the texts by Jehlička and Čapek are focused on the same problems, e.g. young people and their future, the role of political parties and the circumstances determining a nation’s existence.
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