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EN
In the light of the official statements made by the capitals of its coastal states, there is probably not a single centimetre of free space left in this sea, to which a claim has not been issued. In some parts of the sea, the claims of three, four of even five states overlap, creating a truly Gordian knot. The significance of the South China Sea causes that if the dispute over the archipelagos is not settled by implementing peaceful methods and means, at the negotiation table, East Asia region is likely to become a potential source of destabilisation and conflict whose size, in respect to the location and the number of parties directly or indirectly engaged in the dispute might turn out to be extremely hazardous.
EN
The main objective set by many countries is ensuring security. The means to accomplish this goal are the armed forces, obliged to guarantee safe functioning of the state and its citizens. There are states, for which maintaining a powerful, modern army has enormous significance for their superpower status, for their preparedness to a potential conflict or as a deterrent for the neighbouring states. Therefore, in the following text I will deal with the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, because of its history, and especially due to the region where it is situated - one of the hottest places on Earth, full of misunderstandings, disputes and conflicts causing that the states situated there, including Vietnam, are modernising their armies.
EN
The South China Sea archipelagos dispute, which concerns the four archipelagos - the Pratas Islands, the Macclesfield Bank, the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Islands, influences East Asian security. There aren’t natural resources on islands, rocks, atolls, reefs, cays and shoals which constitute these archipelagos and in principle they cannot be inhabited. However, the four archipelagos are the subject of dispute and all parties use different arguments to substantiate their claims to these territories and make efforts to establish sovereignty over them. They take action which poses a threat to security of sea lanes of communication, freedom to flow and other parties« energy security, food security, ecology security and military security. Undetermined status of the disputed territories and - what is the most important - their economic and strategic importance creates a great number of threats to East Asian security. The Spratly Islands dispute is the most burning question, but efforts which have been made by the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in the Post-Cold War Era had some positive effects. The People’s Republic of China s attitude will be the key to solve the archipelagos problem in the future. Presently Beijing s attitude to- ward the Spratly Islands is not so implacable like it was in the middle of the 90. However, the People’s Republic of China didn’t resign to establish sovereignty over the whole archipelago.
EN
The militarisation of the South China Sea has specific implications for the regional security situation. The construction of artificial islands and platforms by the states of the region leads, on the one hand, to the assertion of their possessions and the enhancement of their security and, on the other hand, contributes to rising tensions in the region. The construction of such facilities by Vietnam goes unchallenged, there is no criticism and even some support – not so with China. Most countries see Vietnam as the country most able to stand up to its large neighbour. Vietnam otherwise operates more slowly and on a smaller scale, so it is commonly seen as defensive as it builds on islands that have belonged to Hanoi for decades and are close to the mainland coast.
EN
Recent decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague about territorial dispute between Philippines and China pushes the development in the South China Sea to the next stage. In terms of international law, this decision does not have an efficiency for China because China did not accept and rejected it. But it is sufficiently strong impulse for reaction of parties involved in disputes in the SCS, for outsiders as well as for international organizations, in particular ASEAN. One of the reasons for expected reactions of actors is their growing interest in using the disputed area and adjacent waters in favor of their own regional development. The work aims to outline scenarios for the development of SCS region which are important from global perspective and therefore for the EU too.
EN
In recent years, the South China Sea area has become the arena of competition between the countries of Southeast Asia that set up claims to maritime areas and the islands, and, all the more, want to control and exploit what can be found under the seabed, namely the deposits of oil and gas. The situation in the area cannot even be resolved by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Montego Bay, 1982). Apart from the resources found in the sea and under the seabed, this body of water is an important shipping route, which makes it a strategically significant area for each of the countries located there, or those whose interests involve the South China Sea. In this work, I describe the current situation in the waters of South China Sea: whether the countries bordering it strive for conflict or just secure their interests. It turns out each of the states will set up demands to the islands on this sea and especially to everything that lives in the sea and is to be found under the seabed. Minor, and also more significant incidents will happen, but it does not seem likely that any serious open conflict between the states of the region will break out in the close future. None of the countries pursues it and they do everything they can to maintain the status quo.
EN
American and Chinese interests seem to be at one time in agreement and at another at loggerheads over issues that involve armed services, diplomacy, economics, human rights, intelligence, trade and culture. Part of what may appear to be a growing déracinement, or mutual disenchantment, arising from diverse viewpoints over infrastructure development globally but especially in sensitive developing areas such as the stand-off in the South China Sea and elsewhere along the Pacific coastline of Southeast Asia, and the Western Pacific Rim. China seems to be reconstructing its ancient feudal empire, actual or imaginary, in the territory to its South, the ASEAN bloc. This article will address some issues of compatibility and conflict that unite China but that sometimes divide it from the United States and the West, then assesses what alternative strategies should be adopted or abandoned in the interests of global and regional harmony coupled with security. It urges greater cooperation and collaboration, a development of a code of conduct for state behavior in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region, together with a concerted East–West effort to maintain a stable economy for China and a sustainable trade relationship between China, Europe, and North America.
EN
The analysis in this article provides an overview of the research on the current relations among countries of the South China Sea basin. For this purpose, I have decided to apply the geopolitical research workshop, focusing on its contemporary approach. On the one hand, this work uses the available indicators and index to gauge the level of development, economic and demographic potential, and military expenditure of these states. On the other hand, an effort was made to analyze and measure power, taking into account the changing geopolitical status of countries in this sub-region. Contemporary geopolitics in this context allows to verify the scale of the impact on permanent environmental and geographic factors (e.g. publicized investments carried out by the People’s Republic of China in Mischief Reef, Fiery Cross, Subi Reef and Woody Island) and the elaboration of proposals going beyond the classical, geopolitical framework (morphological, political and military factors). Therefore, this article also includes the use of geopolitical codes to assess the current strategies of these countries and to describe potential scenarios of actors’ behaviour in the sub-region.
PL
Każde środowisko, w tym w szczególności środowisko morskie, stanowi ekosystem nacechowany znacznymi wzajemnymi zależnościami gatunków go zamieszkujących. W większości przypadków, morskie ekosystemy wykraczają poza granice suwerenności Państw. Ich ochrona oraz zachowanie powinny więc być przedsięwzięte na zasadzie współpracy wszystkich Państw dzielących wspólne im środowisko. Pierwszą międzynarodową konwencją regulującą kwestię ochrony środowiska morskiego w sposób systemowy jest Konwencja NZ o prawie morza (UNCLOS). Jest to również konwencja, która w sposób bezpośredni nakłada na państwa obowiązek współpracy w tym zakresie. Jednakże, jednolita regulacja szczebla międzynarodowego nie jest w stanie uwzględnić różnic pomiędzy środowiskami morskimi różnych regionów świata. Jak pokazuje przykład Morza Południowochińskiego, brak współpracy Państw przybrzeżnych może prowadzić do nieodwracalnych w skutkach szkód w środowisku morskim. Z drugiej strony, przykładem modelowej realizacji obowiązku współpracy są działania podejmowane w regionie Morza Bałtyckiego. Opisane doświadczenia prowadzą do wniosku, iż realizacja obowiązku współpracy na poziomie regionalnym jest warunkiem sine qua non skutecznej ochrony i zachowania środowiska morskiego.
EN
The environment in general and the marine environment in particular forms an ecosystem. Such ecosystem is characterized by high interconnectivity and interdependence of species inhabiting it. Often enough, marine ecosystems far exceed the limits of the State’s sovereignty. Thus, their effective protection and preservation shall be carried out on a cooperative basis, engaging all States sharing common environment. The first international treaty to tackle the issue of marine environmental protection on a systemic basis is the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). It is also a treaty which directly established an obligation to cooperate in ensuring this protection. However, homogenous international regulation is not capable of addressing regional varying circumstances of marine environment. As the example of the South China Sea shows, lack of cooperation between coastal States can result in an irreversible damage to the environment. On the other hand, a remarkable model of effective realization of the obligation to cooperate has been established in the region of the Baltic Sea. What we can learn from these experiences is that fulfillment of the obligation to cooperate on a regional basis is a prerequisite for effective protection and preservation of the marine environment.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wyodrębnienie najważniejszych założeń i instrumentarium polityki zagranicznej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej wobec sporów terytorialnych, w które jest ona zaangażowana (przede wszystkim konfliktów o przynależność wysp i obiektów na Morzu Południowochińskim) przez pogłębioną analizę działań tego państwa w kontekście sporu o Płyciznę Scarborough. Według przyjętej roboczej hipotezy badawczej wydarzenia z 2012 r., które doprowadziły do ustanowienia przez ChRL faktycznej kontroli na płycizną mogą stanowić model przyszłych zachowań Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej wobec konfliktów regionalnych. Artykuł został podzielony na trzy części. W pierwszej przedstawiono przedmiot sporu i jego historyczne uwarunkowania. W drugiej części scharakteryzowano interesy poszczególnych państw zaangażowanych w konflikt, ich stanowisko, a także prawne tło sporu. W trzeciej części poddano wreszcie analizie wydarzenia, które miały miejsce w 2012 r., a także ich następstwa wraz z próbą wyodrębnienia elementów, które mogą składać się na model przyszłej polityki ChRL w odniesieniu do sporów terytorialnych, w które jest ona zaangażowana (“model Scarborough”). Celem ustrukturyzowania analizy postawiono następujące pytania badawcze: 1) Jak wygląda stan faktyczny i tło prawne sporu o Płyciznę Scarborough? 2) W jaki sposób i przy wykorzystaniu jakiego instrumentarium Chiny ustanowiły faktyczną kontrolę nad atolem? 3) Jaką rolę spór odgrywa w kontekście pozostałych roszczeń terytorialnych ChRL w odniesieniu do Morza Południowochińskiego? W artykule wykorzystano przede wszystkim metodę gromadzenia i obserwacji faktów, a także metodę decyzyjną – w kontekście analizy stanowiska państw zaangażowanych w spór. Wykorzystana została także metoda procesualna w zakresie przedstawienia genezy analizowanych procesów politycznych.
EN
The aim of this article is to distinguish the key assumptions and instruments of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards territorial disputes in which this country is involved (with particular focus on the conflicts over islands and features in the South China Sea) through in-depth analysis of PRC’s policy in the conflict over Scarborough Shoal. According to the working hypothesis the events that took place in 2012 and ultimately led to the PRC’s de facto control over the shoal could be viewed as a model for the country’s future actions in the regional conflicts. The article has been divided into three parts. The first one presents the subject matter of the dispute and its historical determinants. The latter characterizes the interests of individual countries involved in the conflict, their position, and the legal background to the dispute. Finally, the third section analyzes the events of 2012 and their implications, along with an attempt to isolate the elements that may constitute the model of the PRC’s future policy with regard to territorial disputes in which it is involved (“Scarborough model”). The following research questions were asked for the purpose of structuring the analysis: 1) What is the factual and legal background to the Scarborough Shoal standoff? 2) How and by means of what instruments did China establish effective control of the atoll? 3) What is the role of the dispute in the context of the PRC’s remaining territorial claims over the South China Sea? The article primarily uses the method of gathering and observing facts, as well as the decision-making method in the context of analyzing the positions of the states involved in the dispute. Also, the process method was used to present the genesis of the studied political processes.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze the state of the international security environment of East Asia and main directions of its evolution in year 2016. The author identifies key long-term trends shaping the regional security order of the considered area. This builds the picture of the region at the beginning of the period under consideration and provides the "strategic background" for current events. This introduction is followed by a presentation of key international security events which have taken place in East Asia during 2016 (and early months of 2017). These are being shown in the wider strategic context. On that basis a preliminary assessment of given event's influence on the regional international security environment can be given. Finally, the author proposes a prognosis of future evolution of the security situation in East Asia during the next 12-18 months.  
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza stanu międzynarodowego środowiska bezpieczeństwa regionu Azji Wschodniej oraz zasadniczych kierunków jego ewolucji w roku 2016. Autor identyfikuje kluczowe trendy długoterminowe kształtujące regionalny ład bezpieczeństwa omawianego obszaru. Umożliwia to określenie ,,stanu wyjściowego" regionu na początku analizowanego okresu, a także określenie swoistego ,,tła strategicznego", w odniesieniu do którego należy rozpatrywać bieżące wydarzenia. Następnie przedstawiono kluczowe wydarzenia z obszaru bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, które zaszły w Azji Wschodniej w trakcie 2016 r. (oraz w pierwszych miesiącach 2017) oraz ukazano  je w nakreślonym kontekście strategicznym. Pozwala to na sformułowanie wstępnej oceny co do wpływu pojedynczych wydarzeń na międzynarodowe środowisko bezpieczeństwa regionu (stabilizujące, destabilizujące lub neutralne). W ostatnim etapie, na bazie dotychczasowych rozważań podjęto próbę prognozy dalszej ewolucji sytuacji bezpieczeństwa w Azji Wschodniej w perspektywie kolejnych 12-18 miesięcy.
EN
The rivalry of great powers between the United States and China embraces all regions of East Asia, including Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The situation changed and became even more dynamic at the beginning of 2017, with the arrival of Donald Trump, the new American President. Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw the United States from the Trans Pacific Partnership had a significant influence on the situation in Southeast Asia and started a trade war with China as well as a race in the field of new technologies. The Trump Administration also introduced a new strategy of “free and open Indo – Pacific” which shared some basic strategic similarities with its predecessor – the Pivot. Washington has labeled China a strategic rival and a military threat. The American activities are strongly supported by Japan. The Japanese prime minister Shinzō Abe considers supporting Trump’s policy of trade war and general confrontation with China is in Japanese national interest. China was surprised by the evolution of American policy and its reaction was rather defensive. The Chinese president Xi Jinping suspects that the US’s real goal is to prevent China from rising or projecting power and influence abroad, especially in Southeast Asia and South China Sea. However China’s leadership has firmly decided to oppose the American administration policy, particularly in the above mentioned region. The countries of the region of Southeast Asia started to be severely challenged by China but also by the United States and Japan, especially in the South Chinese Sea. The majority of these countries are likely to continue the “hedge” policy.
EN
The China Sea connects as many coastal states as it divides due to the economic and strategic challenges it represents. It also embodies an area of confrontations between the Great American and Chinese strategies. Identifying with precision the differences that arise requires an interest in the symbolic dimensions that surround them. This angle of analysis provides an opportunity to observe the functioning of international law and inevitably leads to a discussion of the emerging international order. The literature on the situation in the China Sea abounds. The paper’s singularity is to approach it under the prism of international law as revealing the psychology of an actor. To carry out this research, the authors use a pragmatic and critical approach to international law. The thesis defended shows that, contrary to a positivist and judicial approach to international law, elements exogenous to the law, the history, and the psychology of an actor, influence the interpretation of existing norms.
XX
Artykuł koncentruje się na problemie znaczenia geopolitycznego Morza Południowochińskiego, jak też kwestii istniejących tam sporów terytorialnych. Wyjaśnia nie tylko dlaczego wspomniany akwen ma tak duże znaczenie geopolityczne, ale również ukazuje modernizację marynarek wojennych krajów zaangażowanych w spory terytorialne na Morzu Południowochińskim. W pierwszej części artykułu omówiono strategiczny wymiar Morza Południowochińskiego, jak też spory terytorialne występujące w tym regionie. Część druga dotyczy zbrojeń morskich krajów zaangażowanych w spory terytorialne (Wyspy Spratly, Wyspy Paracelskie, Rafa Scarborough), natomiast kolejna przedstawia aktualną sytuację polityczną w regionie.
EN
The article dwells on the geopolitical importance of South China Sea and territorial disputes which occured in this region. It also describes maritime military potential of the states which are involved in territorial disputes over Spratly and Paracel Islands. Additionally, it explains process of the modernization and future perspectives of the mentioned fleets.
Lud
|
2015
|
vol. 99
65-89
EN
This article is an anthropological contribution to the standard geopolitical and legal analyses of the South China Sea dispute and to the existing debates on the problem of territoriality, sovereignty and nationalism. In contrast with those studies, which analyse the South China Sea dispute and the growing competition over natural resources by looking mainly at major state actors, I focus on fi shermen communities in China and Vietnam that bear the historical, geopolitical, and economic consequences of this territorial issue. Thus, I propose the interpretation that takes into account historical, social, and cartographic imaginations of nationhood in the context of the competing Chinese and Vietnamese maritime claims to the Paracels and Spratly Islands. Conceptualising maps not as representations of territory but rather as a process, I analyse the ways in which cartographic discourses are used by different groups of actors to produce and enact sovereignty, citizenship, and national identity through activities that make the sea territory legible on the local, national, and global scale.
EN
The South China Sea is one of the key interests of Chinese foreign policy. The author of the provided article will analyse geopolitical factors, including estimation of the total value of the resources of the South China Sea, further providing the reader with information about international law regulations regarding the analysed matter, as well as presenting the current situation on the South China Sea. During the realisation of said plan, the author will try to prove the thesis that the South China Sea is of utmost importance to the Republic of China, the thesis that international law is unable to resolve disputes arising from said sea, as well as the thesis that Chinese presence is gradually increasing on the South China Sea. After proving all of the highlighted theses, the author will present the most probable political forecast, as well as opinions presented in literature regarding this matter.
RU
Южно-Китайское море – это одна из главных тем, связанных с внешеей политикой Китайской Народной Республики. Автор статьи сделает анализ геополитических взаимоотношений на Южно-Китайском море, в том числе определит общую ценность натуральных залежей этой акватории, а также юридическую ситуацию на море. Автор представит и постарается доказать тезис о том, что Южно-Китайское море – это одна из главных территорий в создании внешеей политики Китая. Кроме того, представит тезис, что юридическо-международные договоры не в состоянии разрешать конфликты на море. В статьи идёт речь также о увеличении присутствия Китайской Народной Республики в этом регионе. В конце концов автор представит возможные варианты развития ситуации и мнения учёных на эту тему.
PL
Po zimnej wojnie międzynarodowa polityka i gospodarka regionu Azji i Pacyfiku zmieniła się ogromnie. Regionalna integracja gospodarcza przyspiesza wraz z szybkim wzrostem dwustronnych i wielostronnych umów o wolnym handlu między krajami regionalnymi, podczas gdy bezpieczeństwo regionalne jest stale konfrontowane z punktami zapalnym konfliktu, w tym sporami dotyczącymi regionalnych suwerenności morskich. Artykuł ten przedstawia niedawny rozwój regionalnej gospodarki i bezpieczeństwa, z naciskiem na spory morskie w Morzu Wschodniochińskim i Południowochińskim oraz Partnerstwie Trans-Pacyficznym (TPP) i Regionalnym Kompleksowym Partnerstwie Gospodarczym (RCEP) i omawia możliwe wyzwania dla Tajwanu w tych kwestiach.
EN
After the Cold War, international politics and economy of the Asia-Pacific region has changed tremendously. Regional economic integration accelerates up with the rapid increase of bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements between regional countries, whereas regional security is continually confronted with conflict flashpoints, including regional maritime sovereignty disputes. This article provides the recent development of regional economy and security with emphasis on maritime disputes in East China Sea and South China Sea and Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and discusses the possible challenges to Taiwan in these issues.
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