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EN
This article is an attempt to clarify the situation after the rise of Slovak State. Its politics, ideology and philosophy of nation. It is focused on philosophy of Š. Polakovič and M. Chladný-Hanoš from the perspective of dogmatism and pluralism in their thoughts. The paper analyse ‘ideology of slovakian national socialism’, which is faced with ‘Christ’s nationalism’ and ‘ German national socialism’.
EN
The paper provides an overview of mostly nineteenth-century concepts of nation and state, juxtaposed with sociological theories. It begins with the defi nitions of the basic concepts and their relations, along with the change in their meaning over time. The author presents also the origins, development of the Polish nation and state, comparing the description with sociological theories. Next, the Enlightenment, Romantic and positivist concepts of nation and state were presented together with views prevailing in particular currents of the Polish socio-political thought. According to the author, the idea of nation and state gradually crystallised in the Polish political thought, to take on suggestibility and become an essential component of social life, albeit this process occurred in a variety of ideological milieux, with its culminating phase at different points in history. The author emphasised the polymorphism of the idea of nation and state as well as a variety of contexts in which they may occur.
EN
XXI Century requires new approach to mutual relations of civilizations, if we wish to avoid the fate predicted by Samuel Huntington. We have to study carefully and without prejudice our respective achievements and see whether we can run better each our own civilization. One such case is Europe and India or better the whole of South Asia. An oxymoron definition of their mutual relationship is suggested. They are “twins-unlike” civilizations, being similar on many counts but dissimilar as their ‘personalities’ go. The most fascinating confrontation in their respect is provided by comparison of two social entities: the European ‘nation’ and the India ‘caste’ as well as umma and qaum. The conclusion of this comparison is strikingly political. European Union could solve its problems with supra-national integration if Europeans remodel their sense of mega-tribal identity putting more stress on competence of their respective nations as the main national identity factor while the peoples of South Asia could solve the problem of painful division of the Subcontinent by bestowing paraphernalia of sovereignty upon the constituent parts of both India and Pakistan.
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PL
The main focus of this paper is to address problematic issues inherent in the canon, whichcan be understood as a construct that enables the production of the common universe ofimages and symbols, which support the collective memory, that is an indispensable elementof the collective identity of social groups, including nations. In such understandingof the canon, it is a cultural construct which itself also constructs culture. This dual natureof the canon becomes particularly obvious in the case of national educational canonsconnected to complex collective subjects. Participation in the canon as a cultural text ispartially indicative of belonging to a certain group, and thus guaranteeing one’s individualidentity. Education, however, is the field of constant debate, a polemical discourse andother forms of cultural dispute which may come under the header of ideological wars. Theinextricable connection between ideology and education can be expressed in the formof a dilemma: what kind of person do we wish to raise, and how do we identify what itmeans to be a citizen, and does he/she have exhibit patriotism as a result? In this context,the question about the educational canon emerging from these debates is also a questionabout the image of culture and its dominant narrations defining ways of constructing andfulfilment of identity.
EN
Beside an editorial note and the edition itself, the article includes a study focusing on three analytical levels. The first of them presents the Latin humanist tract textually, i.e. how it was determined by a formalized narrative mode (so-called ‘writing in excerpts’ derived from ancient authorities which were shared in the community of scholars). The second level investigates the argumentation developed in the text – in this concrete instance, a historical account of the origins of the Slavs and the Bohemian tribe from Transcarpathian region, along with its ideological background that is treated according to the recent concept of humanist ‘fight for honour’ by C. Hirschi. Finally, the author concentrates on the level of further texts which appeared thanks to interpretations of Matthias treatise and provoked – in close connection with the abovementioned formal and content-based levels – an outstanding and unique humanist polemic. It draws attention not only to performative techniques of invective, but also to period discourses of nation as well as strategies for institutionally defining the very possibility of writing that were linked to the categories of ‘order’ and symbolic capital (here with a discussion of academic titles).
EN
The main thesis of this article states that patriotism constitutes a key role in the process of globalization. The author perceives the moral dimension of nation and homeland categories as the validation of such a position. Patriotism, which is not chauvinism, deeply connects with its own nation, as well as homeland, and due to its very nature, should be open to foreigners and other nations.
EN
The emergence of the notion “conservative revolution” in Polish scientific literature as well as in the public debate leads to a comparison with the conservative revolution in the Republic of Weimar. The representatives of this German intellectual movement in the inter-war period induced ideological climate, which favoured the rise of fascism. Therefore, an analysis of the ideas of the representatives of Polish conservatism may be helpful in seeking an answer to the question why and to what extent Polish rightwing “revolutionaries“ draw inspiration from the German conservative ideology. This also includes the question about the responsibility for the political state of Poland and of Europe.
EN
The essay concerns issue of origin of the nations. Author presents discussion about when nations were „discovered”. The main topic is dedicated dispute between main scientific approaches represented by primordialism, modernism, ethnosymbolism and perenialism. Author presents all of them and in the conlusions takes a stand in this discussion as a moderate modernist, who accepts some ideas of ethnosymbolism.
EN
John Paul II in his teaching about Poland and patriotism defines Poland as a “special mother”. It is due to the fact that the Pope places Polish patriotism within the broad perspective of pondering upon human being, his/her dignity and the freedom. Pope’s encyclicals are the starting point of this conceptualization. Here the encyclical Veritatis splendor (the Splendor of Truth) by John Paul II released in 1993 deserves the special attention. Its basic thesis is : a man should base his collective life upon permanent, objective values; upon “the truth”. Modern Europe is the ethical individualism; subjectivism and relativism. It is characterized by the “crisis of the sense”. The Polish culture is expressed by the assumption of the existence of permanent values, which should be the foundation of human community. Europe needs Poland. According to John Paul II Polish patriotism is the “love” towards something that constitutes the essence of its culture, its message. And this means that it is for each of us a “special mother”. However, this message has a universal value.
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Content available remote

Narrative identity: The Canon as Identity Narrative

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EN
The main focus of this paper is to address problematic issues inherent in the canon, whichcan be understood as a construct that enables the production of the common universe ofimages and symbols, which support the collective memory, that is an indispensable elementof the collective identity of social groups, including nations. In such understandingof the canon, it is a cultural construct which itself also constructs culture. This dual natureof the canon becomes particularly obvious in the case of national educational canonsconnected to complex collective subjects. Participation in the canon as a cultural text ispartially indicative of belonging to a certain group, and thus guaranteeing one’s individualidentity. Education, however, is the field of constant debate, a polemical discourse andother forms of cultural dispute which may come under the header of ideological wars. Theinextricable connection between ideology and education can be expressed in the formof a dilemma: what kind of person do we wish to raise, and how do we identify what itmeans to be a citizen, and does he/she have exhibit patriotism as a result? In this context,the question about the educational canon emerging from these debates is also a questionabout the image of culture and its dominant narrations defining ways of constructing andfulfilment of identity.
EN
The specific patterns of masculinity and femininity seem to play a major role in sustaining “imagined community” – the nation. At the same time, the perception of the nation determines gender roles of men and women. Their stability and invariability are to ensure the nation’s survival – both symbolic and physical. The aim of this article is to demonstrate the pattern of masculinity present in nationalistic groups. Its foundation relies on few elements: eagerness to protect the country and women, the control of female sexuality and homophobia.
EN
This article is an attempt to clarify the situation after the rise of Slovak State. Its politics, ideology and philosophy of nation. It is focused on philosophy of Š. Polakovič and M. Chladný-Hanoš from the perspective of dogmatism and pluralism in their thoughts. The paper analyse 'ideology of slovakian national socialism', which is faced with Christ's nationalism' and ' German national socialism'.
EN
In this paper, I approach to the relationship between the art and the democracy via discussion of two histories of Yugoslav literatures. I propose and try to defend a thesis that both accounts of the history of Yugoslav literatures synchronize temporalities of the different national literatures, reducing thereby differences between them. Both histories substantialize Yugoslav literature as a remnant of the lost community. They argue that immediacy of that community had dissolved into the variety of nations, which led separate lives under the rule of empires. In the name of that mythical past, heterogeneous temporalities are synchronized to the single temporal flow. However, the similar substantializing operation and synchronization is present in the more recent concept of (post)-Yugoslav literature.
EN
It’s not easy to discuss,and think about the pedagogy when the nation suffers during the military conflict and invasion, which was the case of Poland during the Second World War – during such dramatic times the priority is survival. However, many years after the war, it is worth pointingout the effort and the dedication of teachers/educators who stayed with their students until the end. They remained in schools, orphanages and other educational institutions where kids could need them. Based on documents, literature and the personal experiencesof the author, the paper “Survive and save your identity” describes in a detail the activity of the Female Scouts who were the part of the RGO, an Organisation For the Youth of Warsaw in the years 1939-1945. The article manifests the importance of pedagogical and moral principles during the nations fight for survival.
EN
Wacław Lipiński- famous Ukrainian activist of early XX century. He wanted to unite nation on the basis of territorial patriotism. The term “territorial patriotism” in the XIX century, was characteristic for several scientific schools, but the first serious group was “peasants” in the early 60's of the XIX century. The issue of “territorialism” Lipinski presented as follows: everyone regardless of ethnicity, religion or language, everyone who resides on the land which used to belong to Ukraine is Ukrainian. Ukraine should be homeland for all its citizens. “Ukrainian is anyone who wants to, Ukraine ceased to be a colony”.
EN
The research task of the essay is to answer the question of what is the face of the nation in the ethnic enclaves situated at the peripheries of national states. The subject of the analyses is the local population of the village Jaworzynka. In 1922, the settlement Herczawa was founded as a local unit independent from Jaworzynka. Since then Herczawa began to belong to Czechoslovakia. The state-owned status of Jaworzynka, which started to be a part of the Republic of Poland, was recognized after the World War I. The author takes into account the longue durre of folk and national culture generated in the Silesian Beskidy in the second half of the 18th century. The national culture is the main term applied to the investigations of the borderland regions. According to the ethno-symbolic approaches (Anthony D. Smith) and culturalism methods in sociology (Antonina Kłoskowska), the author analyses in his research: 1) language, 2) religion, 3) folkways and mores 4) arts, 5) local knowledge and literature. These elements delineate the sphere of symbolic culture. Based on the common folk culture, two national cultures have been formed nowadays – the Polish and Czech ones. Both Polish and Czech Census Bureau data and objective elements of national culture discussed in the essay indicate the process of national revival. The local people of Jaworzynka identify themselves as Poles and the population of Herczawa define themselves as Czechs. The content and the form of the local culture are visible in Jaworzyna, but they seem to be latent or diminishing in Herczawa.
EN
Within the views of the National Rebirth of Poland, critical judgements and the questioning of the existing socio-political order have prevailed. The liberal democratic system has been rejected, to be replaced by a regime in which all social norms are in accordance with Christian values. Both the area of economic and social, as well as politi-cal, life are to be shaped according to principles stemming from Christianity and Catholi-cism. The NOP propounds the view that in the independent Polish state there should be no room for any forces seeking to destroy national sovereignty in terms of internal rela-tions, and the state in terms of external relations.
EN
The multi-ethnicity in Europe was shaped long time in the history, her image influenced the relations between countries and was often a source of international and internal conflicts. For this purpose, the international efforts have been made, which regulate the status of minorities in Europe and the world. Protective systems for national minorities were formed at different levels of policy; the global solutions of general and declarative nature, regional solutions, characterized by a greater degree of institutionalization, and national solutions with control mechanisms of functioning. These regulations, concerning minority policy in Europe, formulated in many international instruments, are declarative and facultative. Even within the European Union, there is generally no binding legal rights, which formulate protection of minorities. States are sovereign and the principle of the sovereignty determines the protection- policy of minorities living on their territories.
PL
Wieloetniczność w Europie kształtowana była przez kilka stuleci, zaś jej wizerunek rzutował na stosunki między poszczególnymi krajami, był źródłem międzynarodowych oraz wewnętrznych napięć i konfliktów. W tym celu na arenie międzynarodowej podjęte zostały starania, które mają na celu uregulowanie statusu mniejszości w Europie i na świecie. Systemy ochronne dla mniejszości narodowych ukształtowane zostały na różnych płaszczyznach politycznych, od rozwiązań globalnych mających charakter ogólnikowy i deklaratywny, po rozwiązania regionalne, charakteryzujące się większym stopniem instytucjonalizacji, i narodowe z funkcjonującymi mechanizmami kontroli. Wymienione uregulowania dotyczące polityki mniejszościowej w Europie, sformułowane w wielu międzynarodowych aktach prawnych, mają charakter fakultatywno‑deklaratywny i w tym sensie nie zobowiązują państw do ich przestrzegania. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej nie ma zasadniczo wiążących praw formułujących ochronę mniejszości narodowych. Państwa są suwerenne i to właśnie zasada suwerenności determinuje ich dobrą bądź złą wolę w zakresie ochrony mniejszości zamieszkujących ich terytorium.
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Introductory Comments

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EN
Introductory CommentsThe fifth yearly volume of the Colloquia Humanistica comprises a thematic section on Nation, Natsiya, Ethnie. The subject it discusses has thus far received little attention as a research problem in the Slavia Orthodoxa, the Slavia Romana, the Balkans but also in Central and Eastern Europe. Uwagi wstępnePiąty numer rocznika "Colloquia Humanistica" przedstawia dział tematyczny, poświęcony kategoriom narodu, nacji i etni. Temat ten, w takiej perspektywie, którą proponujemy, nie spotkał się dotąd z należytym namysłem badawczym w sferze Slavia Otrhodoxa, Slavia Romana i na Bałkanach, jak też w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej.
EN
Demographic problems and their consequences have been analyzed in many different ways, from different points of view. Their conditions and mutual relations have been taken into account as well, even though the interest in population problems in capitalist societies results from the fairly prosaic reasons. Dealing with them means increasing costs. Under certain conditions, however, non-economic benefits can, or at least should, become more important than economic losses. The case of Wales seems to confirm this thesis. The basis for a prosperous and strong nation is its proper demographic condition invaluable from the perspective of competing with other nation – in this case with English one. The purpose of this article is to present the demographic situation of Wales, identify the most important of its demographic problems, as well as the actions taken by the Welsh Government in this regard.
PL
Problemy demograficzne i ich konsekwencje analizowane były do tej pory na wiele różnych sposobów i przy uwzględnieniu różnych punktów widzenia. Badano ich wzajemne relacje i uwarunkowania, mimo iż zainteresowanie problemami demograficznymi w społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych wynikało i nadal wynika z dość prozaicznych powodów. Radzenie sobie z nimi wymaga bowiem ponoszenia coraz to większych kosztów. W określonych warunkach jednak pozaekonomiczne korzyści mogą, a przynajmniej powinny, stać się ważniejsze od gospodarczych strat. Przypadek tytułowej Walii zdaje się potwierdzać tą tezę. Podstawą dobrze prosperującego i silnego narodu jest jego odpowiednia kondycja demograficzna, bezcenna z perspektywy rywalizacji z innym narodem. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie sytuacji demograficznej Walii, zidentyfikowanie najważniejszych jej problemów demograficznych, a także wskazanie działań podejmowanych przez rząd walijski w tym zakresie.
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