In a sample of 27 speakers of Scottish Standard English two notoriously variable consonantal features are investigated: the contrast of /m/ and /w/ and non-prevocalic /r/, the latter both in terms of its presence or absence and the phonetic form it takes, if present. The pattern of realisation of non-prevocalic /r/ largely confirms previously reported findings. But there are a number of surprising results regarding the merger of /m/ and /w/ and the loss of non-prevocalic /r/: While the former is more likely to happen in younger speakers and females, the latter seems more likely in older speakers and males. This is suggestive of change in progress leading to a loss of the /m/ - /w/ contrast, while the variation found in non-prevocalic /r/ follows an almost inverse sociolinguistic pattern that does not suggest any such change and is additionally largely explicable in language-internal terms. One phenomenon requiring further investigation is the curious effect direct contact with Southern English accents seems to have on non-prevocalic /r/: innovation on the structural level (i.e. loss) and conservatism on the realisational level (i.e. increased incidence of [r] and [r]) appear to be conditioned by the same sociolinguistic factors.
This article is meant to demonstrate not only that it is possible technically but that it also makes sense linguistically to study phonological phenomena in a pan-European perspective. To prove our point, we employ the current comparative methodology associated with the framework of typologically-inspired areal linguistics. The data are evaluated quantitatively. We focus on the classes of velar and post-velar fricatives with phoneme status. Our investigation is based empirically on data drawn from a sample of 157 contemporary varieties spoken in Europe. Our results are indicative of a non-random distribution of the above classes of phonemes. Genetic, typological and areal factors are discussed as potential explanations of the observed geo-linguistic distribution of velar and post-velar fricatives on European soil. The general conclusion we draw is that it is high time to develop a research program which is dedicated to the continent-wide in-depth study of the phonological make-up of Europe.
Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is structurally empty. This reply points out that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence they are better modeled by violable constraints. To illustrate how violable constraints accommodate such systematic exceptions, alternative analyses based onOptimality Theory (Prince&Smolensky, 2004) are presented. This reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, this reply concludes that /r/ (and other segments) in Japanese should have segmental contents.
The philological pronunciation training is based on scientific knowledge from the field of phonology and phonetics, which are then worked out in the so-called phonodidactics. However, it is not uncommon for phonological approaches to be hardly applicable in foreign language didactics. In this context, the well-known theory of distinctive features is a prime example. In this article, principles are formulated that optimize the effectiveness of foreign language didactic phonetics.
The aim of the present article is to provide a review and a critical assessment of current approaches to linguistic rhythm. At the perceptual level, languages are perceived to fall into three rhythmic groups: stress-timed, syllable-timed, and mora-timed. In stress-timed languages, stressed syllables are thought to occur at regular intervals of time, whereas in syllable-timed and mora-timed languages, syllables and moras are isochronous. Though numerous phonetic studies failed to confirm the objective existence of isochrony, there is ample evidence that rhythm plays a central role in language processing and that different languages have different underlying rhythmic structure. We argue that phonetically-based models which treat rhythm as an emergent property are insufficient to account for cross-linguistic variation and that the intuitive notion of rhythm should be explicitly modelled by drawing upon the concepts of a phonological theory.
This paper is a report on the phonological research done in the past two years investigating Podhale Goralian. The data are drawn from our informants in Dzianisz. The paper establishes the system of surface contrasts in Goralian and identifies instances of complementary distribution. It is claimed that the renowned Podhale Archaism is no longer represented by the vowel [i]. Rather, the vowel has retracted to the central vowel [ɨ]. The original [ɨ], on the other hand, has lowered and fronted and is now best regarded as tense [e]. These transitions of vowels pose challenges for a phonological analysis. A sample of such analysis (Final Tensing) is shown in the framework of Optimality Theory.
The aim of the present paper is to establish, if the reflexes of *[kj, gj] in Central Kashubian (previously ʨ,ʥ], today [ʧ,ʤ] can be interpreted as allophones of /k,g/ betofe front vowels. This widespread hypothesis is supported by some very regular alternations. It is shown that the previously postulated phonological rule is not acceptable. There still exist some cases, where /k,g/ do not undergo palatalization and assibilation before front vowels, and for which no convincing additional rules can be established ) before the final -em, before the suffix -iw(a)-, in the equivalent of the Polish lexeme giąć, in some loanwords, which cannot be recognized as a result of codeswitching). In this case one hat to accept the existence of distinct phonemes /ʨ,ʥ/. In contemporary Central Kashubian the reflexes of *[kj, gj] underwent coalescence with these of *[ʧ,ʤ]. The latter do not show any significant distributive restrictions, and the mentioned phonological problem is in this case virtually irrelevant for the description of the contemporary stage of the language.
This paper introduces the theory of Phonology as Human Behaviour (PHB); summarises the basic theoretical and methodological tenets of the theory and shows how it has been applied to clinical phonetics, phonology and prosody. The theory of PHB, developed by William Diver and his students of the Columbia School, combines aspects of the "communication factor" inherent in Prague School phonology with aspects of the "human factor" inherent in André Martinet's functional diachronic phonology. The major parameters of the theory are presented according to the Saussurean-based semiotic definition of language as a sign system used by human beings to communicate. The fundamental axiom underlying the theory is that language represents a compromise in the struggle to achieve maximum communication with minimal effort. The major contribution of the theory is that it provides a motivation to explain the non-random distribution of phonemes within the speech signal in language in general and in typical and atypical speech in particular.
The un ou deux phonèmes? problem in PolishThe paper deals with the so-called un ou deux phonèmes? problem in Modern Polish. The framework adopted by the author is the theory and methodology of Axiomatic Functionalism, i.e., a functional semiotic approach developed by Jan W. F. Mulder in association with Sándor G. J. Hervey which is mainly based on linguistic ideas of André Martinet. The analysis focuses on the phonological interpretation of sequences of palatalized labials and [j], nasal diphthongs, and affricates in Polish. The author argues that nasal diphthongs and palatal and retroflex affricates should be interpreted monophonematically, whereas it is both adequate and economical to interpret sequences of palatalized labials and [j] and alveolar affricates as realizations of sequences of two separate phonemes. Problem un ou deux phonèmes? w języku polskimNiniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest tzw. problemowi un ou deux phonèmes? we współczesnej polszczyźnie. Aparatem pojęciowym wykorzystanym przez autora jest teoria i metodologia funkcjonalizmu aksjomatycznego, tj. funkcjonalnego opisu semiotycznego opracowanego przez Jana W. F. Muldera we współpracy z Sándorem G. J. Herveyem, który bazuje na koncepcjach lingwistycznych André Martineta. Analiza skupia się na interpretacji fonologicznej sekwencji spalatalizowanych spółgłosek labialnych oraz [j], dyftongów nazalnych, a także afrykat w języku polskim. Autor argumentuje, że dyftongi nazalne oraz afrykaty palatalne i retrofleksyjne powinny być interpretowane monofonemicznie, natomiast interpretacja sekwencji spalatalizowanych spółgłosek labialnych i [j] oraz afrykat alweolarnych jako realizacji sekwencji dwóch niezależnych fonemów jest zarówno adekwatna, jak i ekonomiczna.
The fact that Turkish palatalized consonants ḱ and ǵ are rendered ć and ‹đ› = ʒ́, respectively, in Croatian and Serbian was not discussed in detail thus far. This author is trying to settle the source(s), the mechanism, the time and the place of the change.
Since the vowel systems of German and English are similar to some extent, German learners of English can be expected to transfer a considerable part of their German vowels to their L2 English. This paper traces the extent and source of positive and negative L1 transfer in two groups of university students from different German L1 backgrounds. To this end, acoustical analyses of three areas of vowel space are provided: high front vowels, high back vowels and mid/low front vowels. While positive transfer widely persists with high front vowels, learners refrain from consistently transferring high back vowels, probably owing to variability both in L1 German and in L2 English. In the case of mid/low front vowels negative transfer is reduced due to exposure to native English, and even more so due to formal instruction, which appears to accelerate the acquisition process
This work discusses the syllable structure of Al-Ahsa dialect of Arabic. Al-Ahsa dialect is a variation of Arabic spoken in the eastern province of Saudi Arabia. An OT (Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) framework is adopted and provides a complete analysis of the syllable structure found in the dialect under discussion. It is concluded that Al-Ahsa dialect prohibits initial consonant clusters but allows complex codas. The geminates, however, are allowed medially and finally.
Typical morpho-phonological measures of children’s speech realizations used in the literature depend linearly on their components. Examples are the proportion of consonants correct, the mean length of utterance and the phonological mean length of utterance. Because of their linear dependence on their components, these measures change in proportion to their component changes between speech realizations. However, there are instances in which variable speech realizations need to be differentiated better. Therefore, a measure which is more sensitive to its components than linear measures is needed. Here, entropy is proposed as such a measure. The sensitivity of entropy is compared analytically to that of linear measures, deriving ranges in component values inside which entropy is guaranteed to be more sensitive than the linear measures. The analysis is complemented by computing the entropy in two children’s English speech for different categories of word complexity and comparing its sensitivity to that of linear measures. One of the children is a bilingual typically developing child at age 3;0 and the other child is a monolingual child with speech sound disorders at age 5;11. The analysis and applications demonstrate the usefulness of the measure for evaluating speech realizations and its relative advantages over linear measures.
Text messages operate on a protocol which allows from 148 to 160 characters per message, including spaces between words. In such a highly circumscribed environment, writing is seriously hampered by the limited space and the usage of the numeric phone keypad. Thus, the advent of a new quality of the text language, sometimes referred to as "textese", was inevitable under those conditions. One of the characteristics of text messages is frequent deletion of letters in orthographical forms, like in the following example: IfYaMthWozNEBiGrUWdntHavNEFAcLft2Wsh (if your mouth was any bigger you wouldn't have anything else left to wash).In order to investigate the nature of letter deletions in text messages a study was undertaken, which analyzed ten examples of text messages coming from various sources.The aim of the study was to determine whether the deletion of letters was regular, the general prediction being that text messages are decoded via the mediation of their phonemic representations (or via mental reading). It was speculated that the regularities were governed by phonological principles such as the semiotic "figure and ground" principle (Dressler 1996) and the "rich-get-richer" principle (Donegan 1978/1985). The results demonstrate that phonology is very likely to govern reductions albeit without any recourse to the prosody level. More specifically, phonology apparently affects the pattern of deletions in text messages, whereas there is a marked tendency that stress assignment does not determine the nature of deletions.
The article discusses the position of the Luzino dialect among Kashubian dialects in the light of phonetic and phonological features. The analysis takes into account eleven vowel features, one consonant feature and two prosodical features. A significant part of the discussed phenomena are the recent phenomena that have gone unnoticed, or been dealt with only marginally in the existing literature on the subject. One archaism links the Luzino dialect with the core central Kashubian area, but it is differentiated by seven innovations. The peripheral central Kashubian dialects indicate stronger relationships with the area of Luzino (one important archaism and one significant north Kashubian innovation). Three archaisms and nine innovations link the Luzino dialect withthe north Kashubian area. Two vocal changes are typical only of the discussed area, and differentiate it from northern as well as southern Kashubian. From the phonetic and phonological point of view, the Luzino dialect should undoubtedly be classified as a marginal north Kashubian dialect.
This article is dedicated to the vocalism of the contemporary Żarnowiec dialect (spoken in Wierzchucino and Nadole). On the one hand, an acoustic and phonetic analysis has identified certain phonetic archaisms (like the central or frontal and central pronunciation of /u/) and has aided in-depth descriptions of sounds previously referred to in a very imprecise way (*/aː/ pronounced as a near-close rounded vowel, central, [ɵ] type). On the other hand, the analysis has provided grounds for acknowledging the important phonetic changes which have occurred in the Kashubian dialect in the past few decades; some of these consist in completing specific phenomena. These include the general dissemination of the diphthongal pronunciation of stressed /e, o, ɛ, ɔ/, the highly back and rounded pronunciation of /ɒ/, the front and open pronunciation of /æ/ in Nadole and the extended scope of the phonological and phonetic reduction of non-stressed vowels (the phonemes /ɘ̟, ɛ, æ/ are always, /ɵ, e/ nearly always and /i/ is relatively rarely pronounced in the same way when not stressed). The result of this reduction is a distinctly centralized vowel or a central vowel of the [ɜ] type. From the phonological point of view, attention should be paid primarily to the ultimate loss of nasal vowel phonemes. Contrary to existing descriptions, the vocal continuant */ã/ has not been merged phonologically with /e/ but a new oral phoneme /ɘ̟/ has been established. It is worth emphasizing that a majority of the identified changes do not bring the dialect closer to the Polish language, rather, they take it further away from it.
For about 100 years, a myth has been fostered in Germanic historical linguistics: it has been claimed that some 30% or more of the Germanic lexical stock are of non-Indo-European substrate origin. Despite this claim, no list of more than 40–50 lexical items has ever been offered to prove it. For most of these lexical items, which pertain to the sphere of seafaring and related subjects, solid Indo-European etymologies have been completed in the meantime. On the other hand, it can be shown that the mythical number of 30% is based on an Indo-Europeanists’ incorrect interpretation of rather sound statistics on the Germanic lexicon offered in a book by Bruno Liebich (1899). Moreover, Vennemann’s theories of a ‘Vasconic’ substratum and a ‘Semitidic’ superstratum in the Germanic lexicon may be discarded of as an unproven and unprovable phantasma. Discussion must go on, however, about claims made by Leiden Indo-Europeanists regarding the substratal origin of certain phonological structures in Germanic words, which cannot go back directly to PIE preforms. In the end, the more conservative approaches to the problem by the authors of the Etymological Dictionary of Old High German are exemplified with data taken from Vol. V (2014).
The topic of this paper, as its title suggests, is the fate of the original Indo-European (IE) aspirates in Balto-Slavic, or possibly in its direct precursor, Proto-Balto-Slavic. In contrast with the Indo-European protolanguage, which is generally reconstructed with three modal classes of stops, both the Baltic and the Slavic languages are modeled on the opposition based on the feature /±voice/ only, with the opposition based on the feature /±aspiration/ not directly attested. Due to this distinction between IE and Balto-Slavic, it is assumed that the original opposition of aspiration was lost at some point during the Proto-Balto-Slavic period. The mechanism of this loss and the question of ‘voiceless aspirates’ are discussed as well. In the paper it is demonstrated that there is no reason to believe that ‘voiceless aspirates’ and ‘voiced aspirates’ ever formed a category of ‘aspirates’, proportional to the opposition between ‘voiceless unaspirates’ and ‘voiced unaspirates’, or to assume that both ‘aspirates’ever existed at the same moment.
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