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EN
The aim of the article is to present British foreign policy called 'policy of ap­peasement’ in the period between May 1937 and September 1939. The article describes among other things English-German, English-Italian, English-Polish relations with regard to situation in Europę, mainly her Central-Eastern part. British foreign policy in Neville Chamberlain’s term of office was typified by larger and larger concessions to Germany i.a. Austria, Czecho-Slovakia, Memel (Klaipeda). Chamberlain, upsetby developmentof situation in Europę, decided to grant Poland unilateral guarantees (31 March 1939), which were altered by Józef Beck into bilateral obligation early in April. This change in British foreign policy, concessions replaced with guarantees, did notfinished the policy of appeasement. British politicians still considered peaceful solutions atthe cost of other countries - in September 1939 Poland fell victim to appeasement policy. The Anglo-Polish agreement regarding a provision of mutual aid concluded on 25th August 1939, which in its assumption was supposed to help avoiding the war, only postponed it for a few days. Although the English joined World War II (3 September), at the beginning they reduced their participation only to propaganda activities, like dropping leaflets on German territory. Conduct of British foreign policy was a great disappointment for Polish governement and society. Great Britain put away direct confrontation with the III Reich and gained time for preparation. According to British opinion the abovementioned actions were one of the factors which contributed to win World War II.
EN
Ewelina Zaleska, an author of a presented diary, was a wife of August Zaleski, Polish diplomat, minister of foreign affairs (1926-1932, 1939-1941) and Polish president in exile (1947-1972). She wrote her memories “Our Journey” in September 1939, when the German-Polish and then World War II broke out. She first describes her journey from Psarskie in Greater Poland to Warsaw, where she reunites with her husband. After a few days they both decide to leave the country. In that respect they are similar to the Polish ruling elites, although with one major difference: Zaleski was not in public office at the moment, so he cannot be judged in the same way. Memories written by his wife shed a new light on this controversial decision of Polish officials, moreover, they are quite informative in their depiction of social life in the first month of the war as well as reactions of public opinion to somemajor events.
EN
In 1919 Poland officially accepted its minority protection commitments. Nevertheless, the treaty and the international system of minority protection was still perceived as an unjustified burden and a threat to state sovereignty. The debates in the Legislative Sejm showed both fears and obligations felt by the members of parliament. Already in the 1920s and even more actively in 1930s Polish diplomacy was introducing the idea of generalisation of minority protection commitments to the League of Nations. Poland wanted all members of the LoN to have equal obligations regarding their minorities. The fight for generalisation ended on 13th September 1934 when the Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Józef Beck, declared that Poland would refrain from further cooperation with LoN regarding minority protection until a new ‘universal and uniform’ system of such protection was established. The aim of the article is to present, in chronological order, how this idea was developed and what actions were undertaken by Polish diplomacy on this account. Both the starting point: the minority question discussed during Paris Peace Conference, and the ending point: Polish foreign minister Józef Beck’s speech of 13th September 1934, are relatively well-known in historiography. Our goal is to highlight what is frequently omitted or misunderstood, i.e. the perspective of Polish diplomacy on those issues. As we will argue, the idea of generalisation of minority protection commitments was crucial for the Polish approach to the minority question within the League of Nations. The article used the archival resources of: The National Archives in London, Foreign Office, and the Polish Institute and Sikorski Museum, London.
PL
Uczelnie poszukują nowych i skutecznych sposobów budowania swojego wizerunku i podnoszenia wartości swojej marki. Kampanie internetowe i aktywność w mediach społecznościowych już na trwałe weszły do arsenału pracowników działów marketingu uczelni. W niniejszym tekście przedstawiono ideę zastosowania gamifikacji jako narzędzia budowania wizerunku szkoły wyższej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest prezentacja założeń projektu gamifikacji uczelni i analiza celów możliwych do osiągnięcia w obszarze PR.
EN
Universities are looking for new and effective ways of building their image and raising the value of their brand. Internet campaigns and activity in social media has already permanently entered to the toolbox of marketing departments of universities. The article presents the idea of using gamification as a tool of building image of the university. The primary objective of this article is presentations of gamification project assumptions and analysis of the objectives that can be achieved in the area of PR.
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