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The Teutonic Order and monasteries in Gdańsk Pomerania in the first half of the 14th century

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Kubicki R.
Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza
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2023
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issue 26
86-109
PL
Przedmiotem opracowania jest próba charakterystyki polityki prowadzonej przez zakon krzyżacki (niemiecki) wobec klasztorów na Pomorzu Gdańskim w pierwszej połowie XIV w. W dotychczasowych ocenach tradycyjnie wskazywano na konsekwentnie stosowane ograniczenia odnośnie do fundacji klasztorów mniszych w Prusach i dążenie zakonu niemieckiego do poddania ścisłej kontroli wszystkich zgromadzeń posiadających swoje siedziby na Pomorzu Gdańskim. W artykule wskazano przede wszystkim na dwa czynniki mające wpływ na relacje zakonu niemieckiego z klasztorami na Pomorzu Gdańskim, to jest na proces implantacji klasztorów i terytorializacji urzędów zakonu niemieckiego na Pomorzu Gdańskim. Z przeprowadzonych analiz wynika, że relacje zakonu niemieckiego z klasztorami na Pomorzu Gdańskim były nie tyle następstwem konsekwentnie realizowanej przez niego polityki, ale raczej wypadkową wielu czynników, wynikających z sytuacji panującej w danym zgromadzeniu zakonnym (cystersi) i odnośnie do konkretnego klasztoru (przy kład dominikanów w Gdańsku). Przy czym zakon niemiecki występował zazwyczaj jako władca terytorialny, potwierdzający transakcje kupna–sprzedaży względnie nadania lub zamiany dóbr oraz jako arbiter w sporach z innymi instytucjami (z władzami miejskimi). Funkcję taką pełnili miejscowi komturzy lub sam wielki mistrz zakonu. Udział tego ostatniego był zazwyczaj związany z potrzebą ogólnej regulacji, jak w przypadku generalnej konfirmacji dla dóbr klasztoru w Oli wie i Żarnowcu dokonanej przez wielkiego mistrza Ludolfa Königa. Ogólnie, wzajemne relacje zakonu z klasztorami były poprawne, jeśli nie wręcz dobre. Trzeba też podkreślić, że stanowisko zakonu niemieckiego wobec klasztorów na Pomorzu Gdańskim było elementem szerszej polityki kościelnej prowadzonej na tym terenie także wobec biskupa włocławskiego i arcybiskupa gnieźnieńskiego.
2
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Mendykanci wobec reformacji w Prusach Królewskich i Zakonnych do 1526 roku

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Kubicki R.
Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce
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2019
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vol. 63
PL
Celem artykułu jest próba prześledzenia reakcji wspólnot mendykanckich na wydarzenia związane z wystąpieniem Marcina Lutra. Problem ten zaprezentowano na przykładzie klasztorów w Prusach Krzyżackich i Zakonnych. Jako datę końcową opracowania przyjęto rok 1526. Obok perspektywy dziejów instytucjonalnych poszczególnych zgromadzeń zagadnienie to przedstawione zostało również z punktu widzenia szeregowych zakonników oraz ich indywidualnych decyzji i motywacji.
EN
The goal of the article is an attempt to follow the reaction of mendicant communities to the events connected with Luther’s theses. This problem is presented based on the example of monasteries in Royal and Teutonic Prussia. As the final date of the study the author chose the year 1526. Besides the perspective of the institutional history of particular orders the problem is also presented from the point of view of ordinary monks and their individual decisions and motivations.
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Sources for the history of mendicant economy in Royal Prussia from the 15th till the beginning of the 16th century

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Kubicki R.
Hereditas Monasteriorium
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2013
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vol. 3
55-65
EN
The article presents the results of a preliminary research on the sources for the history of the mendicant economy as exemplified by monasteries from the state of the Order of Teutonic Knights in Prussia, with special emphasis on the territories which after 1466 were incorporated to Poland as the so-called Royal Prussia, and which were composed mainly of the lands of Pomeralia (Gdańsk Pomerania), taken control of by the Order after 1308. The lands of the Order in Prussia, and later the Royal and Teutonic Prussia, hosted convents of four mendicant orders: the Dominicans, the Franciscans and the Franciscan Observants, the Austin Hermits, and the Carmelites. The documentation concerning the monasteries in question has been preserved to a various degree. These sources are currently dispersed in several state (Gdańsk, Toruń) and Church (diocesan archives in Peplin and Olsztyn) archives, as well as the former archive of the Teutonic Order, which is currently kept at Dahlem (Berlin). Most of them have been taken over from the archives of abandoned monasteries in the 16th century (the Gdańsk and Toruń archives) and during the 19th century monastery dissolutions (the Peplin archive). The remaining part of the documentation are records produced and kept at municipal archives in towns where mendicant orders were present. All these sources offer an insight into the income structure of mendicant orders from these territories. What makes research difficult, however, is the lack of bookkeping records. Proper estimation of sources can be achieved only when they are studied in a complex way, including both the monastery sources and the municipal records. Only by making use of the entire content which the latter offer might we obtain a reliable picture of the economic situation and the social role played by mendicants in urban centres.
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Sieć młynów wodnych w dobrach klasztornych na Pomorzu Wschodnim w XIII-XVI w.

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Kubicki R.
Hereditas Monasteriorium
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2013
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vol. 2
35-56
EN
The study is devoted to the reconstruction of the process of watermills network developing in the estates of separate monasteries in Eastern Pomerania on the background of general milling trends development in this area. Considering this subject, three distinct stages were identified: up to 1308, when the representatives of local dynasty ruled, the years 1309-1454, so the rule of the Teutonic Order, and the period after 1454, in this case limited with the frames of this article to the end of 16th century. The monasteries, thanks to the owned assets and organizational capabilities, have played an important role in the watermills’network developing, especially in the ducal period, up to 1308. Although the monks were not the pioneers in the wastelands management and construction of the first watermills in these areas, they have acted as the main users of existing and newly built mills along with the territorial rulers in the course of time. A certain change has brought the rule of the Teutonic Knights, who ran a consequent economic policy towards other entities, including in particular the monasteries possessing extensive grants from the earlier period. Their actions clearly hindered the further development of the monastic estates, forcing their owners to improve organization of the already held premises. Additionally, on that has imposed the general legal and organizational processes change in the rural economy, also occurring in the goods of great monastic property. Due to that fact each congregation was trying to led self-sufficient economic policy, of which manifestation in the flour milling was imposition of milling coercion on the possessed villages, and conscious construction of own, independent from external conditions, network of milling machines. This policy was continued even after 1454, when the control of the public authority was not so strict. The new circumstance at that time was the abolishment of milling regalia, what enabled the rapid development of mill networks in private estates, possibly including the monastic premises. Different factors were subject to change in the network of hydro-powered devices in the territories belonging to the Cistercians of Oliwa. The proximity of Gdańsk, the great urban center, experiencing at that time a massive economic development resulted, that the monastery has become a natural partner for the actions taken by local townspeople. By investing their capital in the construction of more hydro-powered devices on the monastery’s two major waterways, they led to establishment of about 30 devices, in the vast majority – of industrial mills. The case of Oliwa, fundamentally different from other monasteries, was a result of cooperation between two different partners: the monastery – representing the model of a traditional rural economy, and the investors possessing large assets– urban entrepreneurs. In addition to the considerations presented in the article, there is enclosed the monastic mill network map illustrating the status quo in the second half of the 16 th century.
5

Formy pobożności w mieście późnośredniowiecznym w świetle zapisów na rzecz kościoła i biednych w testamentach elbląskich (XV–początek XVI wieku)

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Kubicki R.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2011
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vol. 76
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issue 2
7-27
XX
The interest in burghers’ last wills as a source of research on religiousness results from their considerable informative value. Generally, all the documents had a uniform structure and consisted of two parts. The first part included legacies for religious purposes (ad pias causas), the other contained instructions concerning inheritors. The basis for the analyses conducted in the article is the collection of almost 150 Elbing testaments mostly from the 15th century, now kept in the State Archive in Gdańsk. The records concern predominantly the highest class of burghers. The analysis of their content may serve to reconstruct the manner in which burghers’ religious needs were fulfilled and to show their preferred forms of piety. An essential issue is the attempt to examine the way of realizing religiousness, the manifestation of which were testaments. The detailed examination of a number of records and their global sums for religious institutions in Elbing shows the primacy of the parish church of St. Nicolas. The second position is held by the church and monastery of the Dominicans. The remaining ones are: the church of St. James and the Bridgettine order. As far as churches in the New Town are concerned, the biggest support was received by the Church of St. George, although the parish church of the Three Kings got legacies more frequently. The information with the amount of money to be given to the poor constituted an important part of the testament. Money was given mainly to town hospitals. Moreover, the most affluent town inhabitants devised legacies for institutions situated outside the town (churches and monasteries). Legacies concerning pilgrimages were another form of manifesting personal piety and the way to ensure prayers necessary for the salvation. They referred to the custom of financing pilgrimages carried out by a substitute pilgrim. In total, all the legacies for piety purposes and for the poor in the testaments of Elbing inhabitants amounted to 5300 mark. The total sum of cash legacies included in the discussed documents may be estimated at at least 25 700 mark. As can be seen, more than 20% of money from legacies went to religious purposes. The biggest sums were received by the parish church of St. Nicolas (33%), the poor (17%), pilgrimages (13%), the order and the church of the Dominicans (9%) and hospitals (8%). All the legacies devised for religious institutions or for the poor reveal a complicated network of relations of burghers with the church and their attempts to ensure salvation. The last will became the ultimate contract concluded in earthly life – a specific trade agreement for eternal life.
6
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Dwa przekazy źródłowe dotyczące testamentów z terenu władztwa zakonu krzyżackiego w Prusach (podszpitalnika w Pasłęku z 1453 r. i prokuratora w Lochstädt z około 1476 r.)

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Kubicki R.
Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza
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2019
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issue 23
325-337
EN
The study includes an edition of two source texts from the Secret State Archives Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation in Berlin‑Dahlem (Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz) regarding the wills and testaments of a spitler in Pasłęk Hans Osterreich from 1453 and a pfleger in Lochstädt Hans von Köckeritz from around 1476. Unfortunately, preserved source texts of this type are sparse. This is why historians’ research into last wills is focused mainly on wills and testaments drawn up by townspeople. Both texts illustrate both the very procedurę of drawing up a will and testament by people appointed by the Teutonic Order, which required the approval of the Grand Master (the spitler), as well as specific information about the personal assets of the Order’s officials and their social environment (the pfleger). Because of this they could be important for further research into the functioning of the lower offices of the Order and the changes in the way of enforcing the principles of the possession and management of personal property by people serving these functions.
7
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Wiatraki na Żuławach w pierwszej połowie XV w.

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Kubicki R.
Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych
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2012
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vol. 72
EN
Windmills in the Żuławy Region during the First Half of the Fifteenth Century(Summary)Studies on the living conditions of the rural population and the organisation of agriculture in the Middle Ages have a long tradition. Some of the issues examined include mills in the State of the Teutonic Order. Other publications consider the specific nature of the Żuławy region under the Teutonic Order and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This article focuses on reconstructing the significance of windmills for the mill economy in this area. The mills within the Teutonic State were supervised by a number of administrative units. The northern part of Gdańsk Żuławy (known in the Middle Ages as Stüblau (in Pol. Steblewskie or Żuławy Małe) was administered by the forestry office of the Danzig (Gdańsk) commandry, the strip of land between the Vistula and the River Mottlau (Motława) was governed by a Vogt whose seat was in Herrengrebin (Grabiny Zameczek) itself under the commandry of Marienburg (Malbork), while the southern part was supervised by the Vogt of Dirschau (Tczew). Gross Werder (Great Żuławy) was administered by the commandry of Marienburg, and Fischauer Werder (Fiszewskie Żuławy) – by the Komtur (commander) of Elbing (Elbląg) and Christburg (Dzierzgoń). The different principles of administering these regions resulted predominantly from the local water conditions and the need for the farmland’s constant drainage. One of the elements of the region’s specificity was the organisation of flourmilling, which owing to geographical conditions could not be based on a network of water mills, as was the case elsewhere. Water mills were therefore replaced by windmills, which became a prominent element of Żuławy’s milling industry in the Middle Ages, perhaps even in the first half of the fourteenth century, and continued to play this role in successive centuries. The data quoted clearly show that windmills were the foundation of the milling industry in the Scharpau (now: Szkarpawa) region and played a significant role in Stüblau, where the Order owned one water mill in Herrengrebin. It would seem that they were also of fundamental significance in the Vogtei of Leske (Laski) and the area under the Pfl eger of Lassowitz (Lasowice) and Montau (Mątowy). In the territory under the Vogt of Stuhm (Sztum) the mills fulfilled auxiliary functions. The mills in question subsequently functioned not only as flour mills, associated with farm production, but also helped drain farmland threatened by flooding. They continued to fulfil this role until the early 1900s, and their subsequent destruction and ensuing absence in the landscape were accelerated by the destruction of mounds by the fleeing Germans at the end of the war, as well as the profound transformations which affected all domains of social life in this area following World War II. Owing to the specific local conditions, mills were usually erected on the same sites as they had been in the Middle Ages; only the method of their construction changed (early modern novelties included the Dutch mills). In subsequent years, mills for land drainage were used on a larger scale alongside grist mills. Unfortunately, only two such mills have survived: a post mill in Schönbaum (Drewnica) and a Dutch mill in Palschau (Palczewo), which are testimony of the great diversity of the local material culture and organisation of the rural economy in past centuries.
8
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Kadri-Rutt Hahn, Revaler Testamente im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Schriften der Baltischen Historischen Kommission, Bd. 19), LIT Verlag, Berlin 2015, ss. 800

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Kubicki R.
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9
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The schools and studies of the Dominicans in the Prussian contrata to the beginning of the sixteenth century

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Kubicki R.
Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza
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2018
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issue 22
117-135
PL
The purpose of the school system organized by the Dominicans in the thirteenth century was to provide their congregation with a supply of preachers to further the mission expressed in the popular motto of the order: contemplari et contemplata aliis tradere. In the period when the first friaries were being organized, human resources for the order were the numerous friars recruited from university circles. This manner of acquiring educated friars would not, however, be a permanent solution especially in peripheral regions where there were not yet any universities. Hence, the order had to take upon itself the task of creating new personnel. This was the situation mostly in Northern and Central Europe, as well as in the Teutonic Order’s Baltic jurisdiction in Prussia, where Dominican friaries operated that belonged to the Polish province of the order. This paper presents the system of Dominican schools functioning mainly in the fifteenth and the early sixteenth century within the Prussian contrata, a lower auxiliary unit in the order’s administration, encompassing the Teutonic Prussia regions. In addition to the running of schools, the foreign studies of Dominican friars from this region will also be discussed.
10
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Klöster, Stifte und Konvente nördlich der Elbe. Zum gegenwärtigen Stand der Klosterforschung in Schleswig-Holstein, Nordschleswig sowie den Hansestädten Lübeck und Hamburg, hrsg. v. Oliver Auge, Katja Hillebrand

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Kubicki R.
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11
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Dochody z młynów w gospodarce komunalnej Gdańska i Elbląga od drugiej połowy XV do XVIII w.

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Kubicki R.
Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych
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2010
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vol. 70
175-201
EN
Reflections concerning the structure of revenues in the great towns of Royal Prussia from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century should take into account also the economic significance of the municipal mills. In this case, the breakthrough moment was the end of the rule of the Teutonic Order. At the time, Elbląg and Gdańsk received from King Kazimierz the Jagiellon numerous privileges, including land estates and control over all the mills located in the towns and on the land belonging to them, in return for financial and military support during the Thirteen Years’ War. The foundation of the profits obtained from the mills was the milling obligation and the right enjoyed by the owner to gain a compulsory tribute (Metze) amounting to 1/16 of a korzec (Scheffel). Moreover, additional payments were received in the case of milling with the assistance of apprentices working in a given mill. In such instances grinding two korzec of grain and rough-grinding six korzec of malt costs 1 fenig. During the later period the payment changed. Initially, bookkeeping was modelled on the experiences of the Teutonic Knights who administered the mills in Gdańsk and Elbląg to 1454. Departure from simple entry bookkeeping for the sake of double entry (Italian) bookkeeping probably took place already in the sixteenth centaury. In Elbląg, the mills were managed by a special mill office (Mühlamt) established for this purpose, while in Gdańsk this office was entrusted to a mill master (Mühlenmeister). Alongside independent administration the municipal authorities often decided to lease the mills, especially industrial mills and sawmills. In the case of Gdańsk a special role was played by the Great Mill, which held an important position in the ordinary profits (an average of about 20%). Just as in Elbląg, revenues from the town mills comprised a prominent element of the budget and during the best years totalled more than 10%. Signifi cantly, these enterprises were always profitable and generated revenues regularly transferred to the inner Kämmerei in Elbląg and the Kämmerei in Gdańsk. In this manner, the towns were not only ensured control over an important element of urban social and economic policy, namely, grain milling, but also achieved significant incomes. A particularly relevant feature was the fact that this procedure was accompanied by a high profit index of the whole undertaking, since expenses connected with the maintenance of the mills guaranteed considerable gains.
12
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Dokument potwierdzający zawarcie umowy franciszkanów z władzami miasta Braniewa w 1301 r. w sprawie zmiany lokalizacji klasztoru

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Kubicki R.
Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza
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2017
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issue 21
221-230
EN
The subject of this study is the agreement between the Franciscans and the City of Braniewo from April 28, 1301, regarding the changing of the location of the monastery which was hitherto known only from the study by Eugen Brachvogel. Leonhard Lemmens’s register of sources on the history of the old Saxon province of the Franciscans and the Warmian Diplomatic Codex both fail to mention it. Today, the contents of the document are known from the copy drawn up at the end of the 16th century and currently stored in the Etats‑Ministerium collection in the Prussian Privy State Archives in Berlin‑Dahlem (Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz). The document provides important information helpful in reconstructing the dispute between the city and the Franciscans as well as in identifying the subsequent locations of the monastery. The Franciscans came to Braniewo due to the activities of the Warmian bishop Henry I Fleming in 1296. Several years later, a conflict arose  etween the monastery and the city. On April 14 in Elbląg and April 20, 1301, in Braniewo, negotiations were held to resolve the matter. According to the agreement, the Franciscans gave up a parcel in the city and in return received another one, located north from the city, near the river Pasłęka. It was decided, moreover, that the city would build a gate and a bridge above the moat which would connect the monastery with the city. The dispute between the city and the Franciscans also became the source of the legend about the allegedly illegal destruction of the monastery in the city by the citizens or the Teutonic Order. The 1301 agreement turned out to be short‑lived and only the third location of the monastery proved to be the final one. On February 20, 1330, it was confirmed that the Franciscan monastery was moved back to the city. This decision was made due to the danger it would pose if its edifices were seized by enemy forces attempting to storm the city.
PL
The subject of this study is the agreement between the Franciscans and the City of Braniewo from April 28, 1301, regarding the changing of the location of the monastery which was hitherto known only from the study by Eugen Brachvogel. Leonhard Lemmens’s register of sources on the history of the old Saxon province of the Franciscans and the Warmian Diplomatic Codex both fail to mention it. Today, the contents of the document are known from the copy drawn up at the end of the 16th century and currently stored in the Etats‑Ministerium collection in the Prussian Privy State Archives in Berlin‑Dahlem (Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz). The document provides important information helpful in reconstructing the dispute between the city and the Franciscans as well as in identifying the subsequent locations of the monastery. The Franciscans came to Braniewo due to the activities of the Warmian bishop Henry I Fleming in 1296. Several years later, a conflict arose etween the monastery and the city. On April 14 in Elbląg and April 20, 1301, in Braniewo, negotiations were held to resolve the matter. According to the agreement, the Franciscans gave up a parcel in the city and in return received another one, located north from the city, near the river Pasłęka. It was decided, moreover, that the city would build a gate and a bridge above the moat which would connect the monastery with the city. The dispute between the city and the Franciscans also became the source of the legend about the allegedly illegal destruction of the monastery in the city by the citizens or the Teutonic Order. The 1301 agreement turned out to be short‑lived and only the third location of the monastery proved to be the final one. On February 20, 1330, it was confirmed that the Franciscan monastery was moved back to the city. This decision was made due to the danger it would pose if its edifices were seized by enemy forces attempting to storm the city.
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