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PL
The aim of the present article is to discuss the change in the attitudes of Poles to work after 1989 and its influence on the situation of minorities on the Polish job market. The materialistic orientation of most Poles combined with a growing thread of unemployment result in an emergence of an economic intolerance and discrimination against strangers, members of such minorities as ethnic, gender, age, physical and mental disability, sexual orientation groups and even Polish re-emigrants form Russia (cf. the concept of the glass ceiling (women) and of the glass box (the Roma) who can compete for jobs. Consequently, despite the fact that the Polish legal system guarantee an equal right to work to all Polish citizens, it impossible to treat multiculturalism as an authentic value and an asset to build Puttman’s bridging capital, Bourdieu’s symbolic capital and the intangibles, which as new forms of human capital decide about the social welfare today.
EN
The present article aims at discussing the value of employer branding, a relatively recent phenomenon in the field of company communication practices, which can be treated as an attempt to develop a dialogistic type of relationships between company employers and employees. The former use this communication strategy to attract quality workers and to retain the currently employed. For the latter it is the means to evaluate their employer by means of all kinds of suggestions, innovative remarks as well as comments, both positive and negative impacting the employer’s image and reputation. As such employer branding may be treated as an important source of information for the employer about their management strengths and weakness, especially as far as their Public Relations (PR) practices are concerned. The author of the present article argues that employer branding can contribute significantly to the employer self-knowledge and verify their self-perception as well as serve to improve the image the company aims at creating only if the employer-employees communication becomes a dialogue. It implies that the communication between them must be founded on humanistic values which means that both parties treat each other with due respect, the information provided by the employees is neither manipulated nor distorted, and the employer acts as an active listener
PL
“Why is it so difficult to understand us?” The Roma in the public discourse in PolandAlthough the Roma have been living on the territory of Poland for nearly five centuries and today their number is between 20–30 thousand they are still perceived as strangers. Their stigma of strangeness and otherness has a double dimension because, on the one hand, they have not become fully integrated with the Polish society of gadzie. On the other, they appear as strangers to their own compatriots from other clans because two big groups inhabit Poland – the more numerous the Poland Roma or the Plain Roma and Bergitka Roma or the Mountain Roma who are a group of only three thousand people. Both external and internal divisions, which create all kinds of familiarity/strangeness borders and contribute to a special cultural semantics of the term Roma do not facilitate a dialogue between the Roma and the gadzie and the Roma and Roma. Why is it so difficult to understand a Roma, why is it hardly possible to break the stigma, stereotypes and prejudice despite the long years of co-existence on the same territory? Why can one observe but a slow, hardly visible change in the Polish-Roma relationships which are still defined as lacking tolerance, mutual understanding, trust and respect? There are many reasons which account for such a state of affairs. Firstly, it is history, both shared and working as a factor of social exclusion, then the Roma culture and its different and conservative system of values underlying their ethos and life style. Finally, economic and educational factors are also to be considered as the Roma belong to the least educated members in the Polish society and consequently the least economically privileged occupying the lowest position in it. The fact that they have always functioned in family-clan structures results in their not having developed a strong concept of identity other than family-oriented and local. Most of them are also unable to take part in the public identity discourse following its rules established by gadzie. All the above factors account for the Roma either participating in it in the role assigned to them by the non-Roma or being absent from it
PL
Celem tego krótkiego artykułu jest pokazanie, jak modelowana jest tożsamość etniczna w mediach masowych, w spotach reklamowych, które traktują tożsamość wybranych grup etnicznych w kategoriach czysto instrumentalnych i komercyjnych. Oglądalność reklam jest wysoka, nadawane są one w prime time’ie, a tym samym ich wpływ na tworzenie pewnych wyobrażeń społecznych i sądów jest duży. Ciekawym przykładem popularyzowania tożsamości etnicznej, ale również w kategoriach rynkowych, są festiwale, na przykład Festiwal Kultury Romskiej w Ciechocinku. I wreszcie pozostaje otwarta kwestia mniejszości tak małych, że właściwie niezauważalnych w przestrzeni publicznej, jak chociażby Karaimowie. Czy w ogóle istnieje marketing ich tożsamości, a jeżeli tak, to czemu ma służyć? Czy dotrze i w jakiej formie do przeciętnego widza, który nie jest w jakiś szczególny sposób zainteresowany tym skądinąd ważnym zagadnieniem. Znaczenie wszystkich tych działań jest bardzo istotne w wymiarze społecznym, znacznie ważniejsze niż wymiar czysto ekonomiczny, i stąd próba zasygnalizowania problemu.
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