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Islam - czynnik wzmacniający czy osłabiający nacjonalizm arabski. Na przykładzie państw Maghrebu

100%
Płonowski M.
Forum Politologiczne
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2006
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vol. 4 - Islam we współczesnej Afryce
235-278
EN
Since the very beginning mutual relations between Islam and the Arabs were ambiguous. Some of the inherent Arab values were reinforced by Islam, others were questioned. Over the ages their reciprocal influences had the impact on all of the aspects of the Arab in general, and the Maghrebian in particular, reality. Political and social theories and their practical implementation, Arab nationalism and panislamism, were shaped accordingly. Taking into account all the variety of different factors influencing Arab nationalism (ethnicity and local identities, colonial history, state identities, etc.) the article focuses on the relations between Arab nationalism and Islam in the Maghreb states. At the beginning it tries to determine the definition of the Arabs. Afterwards, it analysis the relations between the Arab and the Muslim identities. Finally, to establish the reinforcing or the weakening impact of Islam on the Arab nationalism in practice, the writer goes through the different stages of the Arab and Maghreb history, showing how the Pan-Arabic and Pan-Islamic theories were getting and losing their support, cooperating and competing with each other, proving how bad it was both, for the religion and for the politics, that Islam became so engaged in the policy making processes. The final idea is that, since many decades these are the state identities, state nationalism for example, which become more and more influential source of reference for all kinds of political and social movements, including Arab nationalism.
2
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Arab Nationalism in Syria

100%
Adamczyk A., Jomma F.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2023
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issue 1(52)
EN
Syria is one of many countries in the Middle East diverse in terms of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. Internal divisions emerged when Syria reclaimed independence in 1946, but the differences inside Syrian society have become a taboo. One of the reasons for that was Arab nationalism, which claimed that they were all Arabs. The Syrian authorities managed to maintain the appearance of national homogeneity owing to these claims. This article aims to show the uniqueness of Arab nationalism, which is not characteristic of one country but of numerous states sharing a common past, language, and their citizens belonging to the family of the Arab nation. As a case study for Syria, this article analyses the basic concepts relevant to the subject (nationalism, the nation from the perspective of Islam, and Arab thought), the roots of pan-Arabism in Syria and its presence in the public and legal space. It also attempts to demonstrate that Arab nationalism helped the Syrian authorities (represented by the Alawite minority) blur national, ethnic, and religious differences and thus preserve the unity of society and state.
3
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Kryzys berberyjski z 1949 roku – zapomniany epizod historii algierskiego ruchu niepodległościowego

88%
Kobis R.
Przegląd Orientalistyczny
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2020
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issue 2-3 (274-275) "Świat islamu w perspektywie badań arabistycznych i politologicznych Historia i współczesność"
175-186
EN
The main subject of the article is the issue of the ‘Berberist Crisis’ of 1949, which has shaken the Algerian national movement in the late 1940s. Its first act was an unprecedented speech by a young Paris law student and a high-ranking member of the national movement structure Rašīd ‘Alī Yaḥya. During one of the party meetings, this activist from Berber-speaking Kabylia region appealed to those gathered to discuss the official proposal, which explicitly condemned the “myth of Arab-Muslim Algeria”. The controversial proposal was not only put for discussion but also voted with 28 votes in favour and 4 against. In Algiers, the action of Kabyle activists was read as an act of disobedience and even potential secession, as a result of which the Parisian structures of the Movement were immediately dissolved. In practical term, this meant the beginning of the fratricidal struggles within Algerian national movement, which on the eve of the outbreak of the War of Independence almost led to its split. The events of the ‘Berberist Crisis’ of 1949 have permanently entered the history of difficult Arab-Kabyle relations in independent Algeria, becoming largely the first act of conflict between the two largest ethnic groups in this country.
4
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State formation in the Mashrek region. Historical narratives of state-building and national history since the Sykes-Picot Agreement

75%
Csicsmann L.
Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)
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2023
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vol. 121
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issue 2
389-406
EN
This article aims at exploring the simultaneous state-building and nationbuilding process in the Arab Mashrek region after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. Historical narratives profoundly changed at the time of the emergence of the modern nation-state system, which was alien in a region where the premier element of ideology was religion. The nineteenthcentury Nahda introduced a vibrant intellectual life to the region and marked the beginning of the so-called liberal era. Whereas in the first half of the twentieth century the region witnessed the birth of modern professional historiography, which (particularly in the case of Egypt) led to scientific enquiry based on national archives, the second half would see the radical phase of Arab nationalism produce a rather different historical narrative along socialist lines. However, the War of 1967, known also as the Setback (an-Naksah), challenged pan-Arabism, and regimes discouraged professional history writing about the conflict.
5
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Futile Efforts to Create an Arab Kingdom of Syria. From the Idea of Greater Syria to Syria Partitioned under the French Mandate (1915–1922)

38%
Kościelniak K.
Folia Historica Cracoviensia
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2020
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vol. 26
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issue 2
195-250
PL
Tekst przedstawia dynamikę i zmienność opcji politycznych oraz sojuszy, które ukształtowały granice współczesnej Syrii w decydującej fazie pierwszej wojny światowej oraz w pierwszych latach powojennej rzeczywistości na Bliskim Wschodzie. Badacze przedstawiają sposób, w jaki zewnętrzne interesy mocarstw przeważyły and wewnętrznymi sprawami Syryjczyków. Dla mieszkańców Lewantu wiązało się to z praktyką ignorowania przez Zachód opinii i aspiracji Arabów w następstwie pierwszej ojny światowej, przypieczętowaną w Traktacie Wersalskim. Mimo pozytywnych rozwiązań zaproponowanych przez komisję Kinga-Crane’a (1919), nowy post-osmański porządek wprowadzono bez względu na lokalne tożsamości i preferencje polityczne. Nowe granice zostały utworzone sztucznie i ustalone w sposób arbitralny. Umowa Sykes-Picot sprzyjała nie tylko teoriom spiskowym na Bliskim Wschodzie, lecz także kształtowaniu mitologii powstaniaarabskiego. Rywalizacja zachodnich mocarstw odbywała się kosztem lokalnych mniejszości, podsycając niechęć i wzmacniając sekciarstwo. W latach 1919–1920, pansyrianizm umocnił się i przyjął charakterystyczną formę dążenia do poskładania rozbitego narodu Wielkiej Syrii. W uchwałach Kongresu Syryjskiego z 2 lipca 1919 r. zawarto ponadczasowe założenia orientacji politycznej syryjskich nacjonalistów, co miało znaczący wpływ na politykę na Bliskim Wschodzie w ciągu następnych kilkudziesięciu lat. Jednak podział Wielkiej Syrii po pierwszej wojnie światowej okazał się jedną z najgorszych spośród wielu politycznych traum, jakich doświadczył w tamtym czasie Bliski Wschód. Pansyrianizm ulegał systematycznemu osłabieniu przez kolidujące ze sobą aspiracje Syryjczyków, Libańczyków, Palestyńczyków i Jordańczyków.
EN
The text presents the dynamics and variability of the political options and alliances which shaped the borders of modern Syria in the most crucial period of World War I and the first years of post-war reality in the Middle East. The researchers show how the external interests of the Great Powers took priority over the Syrians’ internal affairs. For the inhabitants of the Levant, it meant the Western practice of ignoring Arab opinions and aspirations in the aftermath of the Great War, which was sealed in the Treaty of Versailles. Despite the positive solutions proposed by The King-Crane Commission (1919), the new post-Ottoman order ignored local identities and political preferences. The new borders were created artificially and determined arbitrarily. The Sykes-Picot agreement reinforced both conspiracy theories in the Middle East and the mythology of the Great Arab Revolt. The competing Western powers took advantage of the local minorities, fueling dislike and strengthening sectarianism. In the years 1919–1920, Pan-Syrianism solidified and took a characteristic form of striving to consolidate the fragmented nation of the Greater Syria. The resolutions of the General Syrian Congress of 2 July 1919 provided timeless premises for the political orientation of the Syrian nationalists, which strongly influenced politics in the Middle East in the following decades. However, the partition of Greater Syria after World War I proved to be one of the worst of many political traumas experienced in the Middle East at that time. Pan-Syrianism was systematically weakened by the conflicting aspirations among the Syrians, the Lebanese, the Palestinians, and Jordanians.
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