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EN
(Title in Roma language: Etnonima thaj profesonima. Rromane endaja dr-o Balkano). The paper aims to reveal the processes, through which the ethnonyms of the separate Gypsy groups appear. In this analysis are taken account for the two forms of existing of the ethnonyms as - endonyms (in the community itself) and exonyms (in front of the other Gypsy groups and the macro-society as a whole) - and the complex forms of correlation between them. Particular attention is turned to the cases, characteristic mainly for the Balkans (and the Gypsy groups who migrated from there in 19th-20th cc.), among who the ethnonyms are formed on the base of the carried out economic activities, characteristic for a given Gypsy group (the so-called proffesionyms), for instance Kalajdzii, Demirdzii, Kelderari, Kosnicari/Sepetcii and similar others. Based on material, gathered from different Gypsy groups on the Balkans, and from groups, migrated from there, the different forms of functioning of endo- and exonyms will be presented, i.e. it is analyzed in what cases which from the endo- or exonyms are used and why. This reveal also the circumstances in which the need for specific group appellation appear and vice versa in which circumstances the need for the group appellation disappear, thus we will be able to throw light on the cases in which particular Gypsy group are distinguished from others through clear expressed group etnonym and in which they are describing themselves only as 'Roma'. During the analysis of the complex and diverse variations of the correlations between the ethnonyms and professionyms of different Gypsy groups, one very important fact cannot escape attention. The professionyms (in many cases turned to be the only available for the group ethnonyms) fully (or almost fully, having in mind some specific cases) are formed on the base of the languages and the grammatical forms of the macro-society, in which the Gypsies live. Actually, summarizing, the professionyms, together with family-kin and territory-state characteristics, appear to be the most important criteria, on which the ethnonyms are formed (and in both of their forms of existence - as endonyms and exonyms) of the different Gypsy groups around the world.
EN
The article discusses the origin of the so-called Pomak question in Bulgaria and the relations between this ethnic group, composed of the followers of Islam, and the Orthodox majority of their kinsmen. The author examined the reasons for the conflicts between two parts of the same nation, often based on false premises or outside provocation. Against this backdrop, the author described the tragic plight of the Pomaks, rejected as long as they remained loyal to their faith and the onomastic and costume elements associated with it. The author outlined the history of the titular ethnic group, totalling several hundred thousands, from the conversion to Islam to the present day. He also described the circumstances recognised by a considerable part of Bulgarian society as sufficient to accuse the Pomaks of opting for a stance at odds with Bulgarian national interest. The consequences led to numerous persecutions of the Pomaks and successive tides of emigration to Turkey, followed by the loss of national identity. Finally, he examines the stand of the most enlightened members of the Bulgarian intellectual and political elite, who for more than a century have been defending the Pomaks.
EN
The essay is aiming to discuss the reason of decay of the International Commitee for the Study of Folk Culture in the Carpathians and the Balkans, which was the only one international academic organisation of the ethnologists from the European Communist countries. The author's perspective is based on his personal experience with the different levels of the Commitee from the late 1970s until the beginning of the 1990s. The author analyses character of the work and hierarchy within the Commitee, and is looking for the explanation, why such an originally active scientific organisation was not able to survive.
EN
The establishment of the official stand of the Bulgarian communists as regards the Macedonian question at the Tenth Plenum of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Workers' Party (communist) in August 1946 ended an almost two-years long process, marked by the pressure exerted on Sofia by Belgrade and subservient Skopie for the purpose of incorporating the Bulgarian part of Macedonia into the Yugoslav Federation. However, as a result of the tenacious protest expressed by London and Washington, the Yugoslav leaders were compelled to suspend forcing through the direct incorporation of Pirot Macedonia into the People's Republic of Macedonia. Instead, they decided to pursue the profound Macedonianisation of a population, whose overwhelming majority regarded itself as Bulgarian. At the same time, it was planned to Macedonianise the Macedonian émigrés settled in assorted regions of Bulgaria.The instrument of this policy was, according to Belgrade, to assume the form of a national-cultural autonomy of the Bulgarian Macedonians. Nonetheless, this requirement caused among the Bulgarian leaders essential resistance and doubts, being perceived by society and the democratic opposition as contrary to the Bulgarian raison d'état. On the other hand, apart from the Yugoslav pressure on the Bulgarian Workers' Party a great impact was also exerted by the Soviet side, which opted for Macedonianisation. A further factor was the unregulated position of the Bulgarian state on the international arena - in the summer of 1946 the Paris Conference witnessed a struggle for determining the final conditions of the peace treaty with Bulgaria, forcing Sofia to turn for support to Belgrade. Yugoslavia's backing, especially in its capacity as a member of the anti-Nazi coalition, was of prime importance for Bulgarian interests. In this state of things, at the beginning of August 1946, the leaders of the Bulgarian communist party gathered at the Tenth Plenum of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Workers' Party, approved a complex programme of the Macedonianisation of Pirot Macedonia, and a planned incorporation of this territory into the People's Republic of Macedonia as part of Tito's Yugoslavia.
EN
In the early 20th century, Russia attempted to establish a 'Balkan Coalition' of friendly and subordinated states against Austria-Hungary and Turkey. Objective of the 'Balkan Coalition' was unification of Serbia and Montenegro. Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy opposed the Russian scheme. Austria-Hungary eventually agreed with unification of Serbia and Montenegro in exchange for its own interest in the Balkans, but Italy strongly disapproved. The project of Serbia's and Montenegro's unification became acute during conflicts between the Great Powers (Entente and Triple-Alliance) and disturbed the cohesion of the Triple-Alliance. Simultaneously, this project opened a chance for Russia to directly put its foot in solving problems in the Balkans. Before long, Russia militarily supported Serbia against an Austrian-Hungarian attack. Subsequently, the Great Powers of the Entente and Triple-Alliance signed mutual ally treaties and started the 'Great War'.
EN
Integration is a word very frequently used and probably one of the most fashionable in the present everyday life of the Balkan people. Politicians, artists, intellectuals speak about political, economical, cultural, European Integration as well as spiritual integration. The word integration is widely used, as much as there have been efforts to define or understand it by the general public, besides the fact that integration is perceived as something “good in nature,” especially the integration with Western community. Hence, one of the issues, which everybody agrees on in Albania and in the region is that the accession into the European Union is still the main objective of the region prospect. European integration is perceived as a solution of the major problems during the process of the socio-economic development of the countries of the region. The authors think that the efforts of the people of the region toward economic and democratic progress should not be simply treated as tools used to be “self-integrated” in the EU, but they rather have to be perceived as positive processes undertaken by each country during transition. Keeping an economic perspective, this paper aims to discuss the qualitative benefits and costs for Albanian economy, in its integration way toward the EU.
EN
The author maintains that the national policy of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia from the moment of its establishment to the Second Session of the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia, held in November 1943 was closely subjected to the stand of the Soviet dictator. Depending on wider political goals Moscow spoke about the need to dismantle or maintain the Yugoslav state. To a certain extent the discussed policy depended also on the stance of the Yugoslav communists, chiefly Serbs, who, as a rule, were inclined to endorse the conception of creating a federational albeit centralised Yugoslav state, as well as on the attitude of the Croatian communists, headed by Andrija Hebrang. The latter were advocates of granting the future republics, mainly Croatia, essential autonomy within the federation. The ultimately winning conception was that of Josip Broz Tito, the party leader appointed by the Kremlin after the arrest and execution of Milan Gorkic during the Stalinist 'purges', presumably with the participation of Tito himself. At the time, Tito supported a centralised party and and equally centralised communist state and these conceptions were accepted during the Second Session of the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia. Consequently, Hebrang and his political friends lost their political rank and influence. Certain modifications connected with a gradual abandonment of the Soviet model also as regards national questions did not become apparent until the conflict between Tito and Stalin in 1948. Nonetheless, this was an extremely slow process. The decentralisation of the state triumphed fully only in connection with the reforms initiated in the mid-1960s. In its general outline, it was concurrent with the earlier conceptions expounded by Hebrang, albeit realised by Josip Broz Tito, his wartime political opponent.
EN
This article tries to make an analysis of a rather special political and historical phenomenon: unique relationship between Montenegro and Russia as it evolved during a period of three centuries. This connection can be described as one between a dwarf and a giant, an asymmetrical relationship with an ideological as well as a pragmatic dimension that was attractive for both parties. The origin of direct Montenegrin-Russian relations can be found in the early years of the eighteenth century, the era of Peter the Great and of a new stage in Montenegrin political history and state consolidation. This ‘founding period’ has to be paid particular attention, in order to understand the relationship that followed. In the special political and cultural conditions of an increasingly expansionist Montenegro, the ‘cult of Russia’ emerged as an ideological, but also functional, ritual to reinforce Montenegro’s efforts to survive and to become a more important factor in the western Balkans region. But the tiny principality was dependent on the vagaries of international politics and Russian policy. The dwarf aspired to be a little Russia and to emulate the giant. A clear definition of friend and foe and a policy of territorial expansion were seen as part of this. On the level of national-cultural identity this led to a politicisation of the Orthodox faith. In the ideological sphere it also meant the building of a mythical past to legitimise an expansionist ethos of often-irresponsible dimensions.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2017
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vol. 49
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issue 4
405 – 426
EN
The topic of the article is the scope and limits of the model of patriarchal gender relations in the Balkans. Ethnographic material of Vojvodovo, a village of Czechs and Slovaks in Bulgaria, is used to test the general applicability of this model. The author analyses sexual division of labour, inheritance practices or marriage strategies in Vojvodovo, as well as the local folk model of gender relations. Gender ideology and practice of gender relations of Vojvodovo villagers are set in the context of the Balkan societies to discuss to what extent this village presents an exception in the “Balkan patriarchal model”.
EN
The publication The Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report encompasses the latest data on the travel and tourism competitiveness. Given that this report is a leading product of the World Economic Forum platform, it serves as a strategic benchmark for future policy implementation. Natural and cultural resources are significant in explaining tourism competitiveness. The empirical study in this paper is based on the two-step process of measuring convergence of tourism competitiveness. The first step illustrates the values of competitiveness of natural and cultural resources for two groups of European countries: the Balkans and Eastern Europe and five high-ranking European countries in the field of cultural tourism. The second part applies the entropy method for measuring convergence of competitiveness of this group of countries. For analysing tourism competitiveness in these two groups of countries, ten indicators were used: five for natural resources and five for cultural resources. The results show that natural and cultural resources are the critical drivers of competitiveness and represent the determinants of tourism performance in the future.
EN
This article is a summary of the author's experience gained while studying the border areas with compound communities (in ethnic, national, or confessional meaning) in the various regions of Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia in the beginning of 21st century. There are two difficulties that the researcher faces. The first comes from the fact that the researchers from the Balkans (ethnologists, historians, anthropologists) belong to one of the researched traditions; the second difficulty arises from the inadequate understanding of the history of those border areas, as well as the predominant primordial concept of national identity. Hence, the question is about regions of dispersed interwoven cultures, in which the tradition of contacts and conflicts made a unique cultural pattern. The comparative studies in theses regions require, according to the author, a new understanding of the reasons, ways and patterns of the 'construction' of national identities on the Balkans.
Slavica Slovaca
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2019
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vol. 54
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issue 1
11 – 19
EN
The article aims at the elucidating the cultural contacts between Slavs in the Balkans and in the Carpathian region. It is based on the excerpts from a penitential collection included on ff. 65r-78v in manuscript № 34B from the National Museum of the Przemyśl Land, and Euchologion (Trebnik) from the 16th c. In the course of survey it becomes clear that the rules were taken from one of the most popular Slavic legal compilations – Pseudo-Zonaras nomocanon (Nomocanon Cotelerii). A description of the content of this part is appended at the end of the article.
EN
Crucial for the present article is the following assessment: Protostarčevo, as defined by D. Srejović (Donja Branjevina, Gura Baciului, Grivac Groups), is not a genetic and culture-chronological part of the Protostarčevo Culture in its primary zone in the central Balkans. According to the present authors it is later and represents already an early phase of the Starčevo-Criş Culture on the territory along the Danube. The proper early Neolithic is evidenced only through the monochrome pottery from settlements Padina B, Lepenski Vir and Donja Branjevina III. The basis of the present study are the stratigraphicaly and culturally fixed altars from the tell settlement of Gălăbnik, located on the upper Struma inhabited subsequently by the Gălăbnik Group, Starčevo Culture in the Middle Neolithic. For the Gălăbnik Group triangular-shaped altars with hemispherical container decorated by rows of embossed triangles of type A were characteristic. During the Starčevo Culture settlement phase they were replaced by triangular-shaped altars with triangular container, decorated with incisions of type B. Less numerous were square-shaped altars of type D and altars with cylindrical or bowl-shaped container of type F. The Middle Neolithic altars were likewise triangular-shaped but with various types of engraved ornament of type C. In contrast, the Starčevo-Criş Culture altars, on the territory along the Danube, had always four legs and a bowl-shaped container of the types I – K, on square or round platform. Intercultural comparison demonstrates that the altars, just like pottery, were associated with the culturally defined entities according to shapes and decoration on vessels. The groups of the southern Balkans (Kovačevo, Velušina-Porodin, Podgorie) preferred square-shaped altars of type M. The triangular-shaped altars were common in the upper Struma and most of Bulgaria, and four-legged altars being an exclusive type in Romania, Serbia, Croatia and Hungary. Absence of authentic archaeological contexts makes it difficult to interpret their function. Firs the altars appeared in the Balkans in the cultures with white-painted pottery (Hoca Çeşme II and the Gălăbnik Group). Due to the absence of the Balkan-type altars in Anatolia, an eastern origin cannot be suggested. They did not penetrate to the Europe with the spread of Neolithic way of life, but should be considered as an independent invention by the local Balkan groups successfully establishing permanent settlements with developed economic and social structure in the southeastern Europe.
EN
The very first attempts at travel literature include accounts of the journeys made by two Humanist scholars Pavol Rubigal and Ján Dernschwam, whose lives and activities were associated with Slovak mining towns. Both of the humanists joined the Hungarian delegation that travelled to Constantinople to deliver political messages to the sultan. Their works, which represent a type of documentary literature, also reflect on the countries on the Balkan peninsula, especially Serbia and Bulgaria. In his Latin-language poem Opis cesty do Konštantínopola/The Account of the Journey to Constantinople (Hodoeporicon itineris Constantinopolitani, Wittenberg 1544), written in elegiac couplets, Pavol Rubigal provides a negative picture of the Serbs, whose manners and customs are conditioned by the harsh environment. His point of view is influenced by the disagreements between the Serbian and Hungarian representations. Bulgaria seems to be more civilized country and the Bulgarians´ decent behaviour is explained as the result of their deep Christian conviction. Cestovný denník do Konštantínopola a Malej Ázie/The Constantinople and Asia Minor Travel Diary (Tagebuch einer Reise nach Konstantinopel und Kleinasien, 1553 – 1555) by Ján Dernchwam develops the type of travelogue which is exemplified by The Travels of Marco Polo in medieval literature. Nature and culture are often seen by the author from the perspective of his other (Slovak) homeland. When exploring Serbia and Bulgaria, he adopts the approach of confrontation. He takes notice of similarities (language, confession) and differences (landscape, inhabitants). The novel Ladislav (1838) by Karol Kuzmány seems like a travelogue featuring elements of fiction. As a whole it focuses on the subject of mother country and nation and develops the idea of Slavic togetherness, with regard to which it promotes the struggle of the Serbian nation for freedom as well as their literary culture. By means of the apotheosis of Serbia Kuzmány tries to stimulate the development of Slovak national life and culture.
EN
The intensive folk life of Slovaks in Vojvodina after 1918, when they became a part of a new country – the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and later on Yugoslavia – was also reflected in the development of publishing, which opened a special place to a twofold genre- travel books. The author of such literature of different qualities about the Balkans was mainly the intellectual with a cosmopolitan orientation, Andrej Labáth (1886 – 1934) in magazine Národná jednota (National Unity) and in almanac Národný kalendár (National Calendar). In his works, he placed focus on geographic, historical and economic characteristics of unique locations in the Balkans that is, within the borders of the former Kingdom, and captured stereotypical images of that time through their cultural and geographic aspects. His texts about travels have primarily features of publications, but from the perspective of selected imagological method, they are model-texts about the form (not only) of stereotypes of the time. Positive and negative stereotypes in his travel books are the products of specific historical and social circumstances. He visited regions such as Slovenia, Dalmatia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and he illustrated the idea of Slavic peoples adapting to e.g. Adriatic Sea area. He also used the ideological function of travel books in the spirit of national geography and national emblematic which derived from identifying with history of brotherly, Serbian people, as it is shown in the travels around Kosovo and Macedonia. At the same time, he analysed images show both the other and different, as well as self-presentation and self-identification. As such they present a considerable stereotypical cultural antagonism of the West and East (presenting the contrast between: Kosovo, Macedonia-Slovenia, Kosovo – Vojvodina/Backa). The images (geographical, historical, ethnic, confessional, economic) of such a heterogeneous country of South Slavs located in the Balkan Peninsula in line with a concrete presentation of their new homeland, are among Slovaks in Vojvodina becoming tools of strengthening their national consciousness, but in contact with the other and foreign they also strengthen their self-images as a hard-working ethnicity.
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Interpretace dějin Černé Hory na prahu 21. století

63%
EN
The paper focuses on different interpretations of Montenegrin history after 2000. It is primarily dedicated to the new surveys of this country´s history published in the first decade of the 21st century, mostly in close connection to the post-Yugoslav process of nation-building which culminated in 2006 by the declaration of independence. Critical comparative analysis of works by Thomas Fleming, Živko Andrijašević, Šerbo Rastoder, Elizabeth Roberts and Kenneth Morrison is conducted in a wider context of recent historiographical production on different periods of the history of Montenegro, Yugoslavia and the Balkans.
17
Content available remote

THE HUNS OF JUSTINIAN: BYZANTIUM, UTIGUR AND KUTRIGUR

63%
Konštantínove listy
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2013
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vol. 6
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issue 6
1 – 9
EN
The Roman historians Procopius and Agathias recorded the details of Roman diplomacy with two groups of nomadic peoples on the Pontic steppe in the mid-6th century C.E.: the Utigur and Kutrigur Huns. The article focuses on two episodes from these histories: the settlement of 2,000 Kutrigur Huns in the Balkans in 551 C.E., recorded by Procopius, and the infamous raid against Constantinople of the Kutrigur Zabergan in 559 C.E. In both episodes attention is drawn to the motivations of the chieftains who chose to raid the Roman territory, settle within it, or make war on each other at Rome’s behest. The article demonstrates that contrary to the common notion that these raids were most devastating to Rome’s Balkan territories, in reality the effects of Roman diplomacy wreaked far greater havoc on the societal stability of the Kutrigurs and the Utigurs and paved the way for their conquest by the Avars in the following decade.
EN
Balkan multipart house yard is unknown in Europe and not appreciated duly within the frame of the ethnology of the Balkans. The yard is being divided territorially and functionally to living, working and cultivated spaces, with graduated requirements for each zone and an elaborated system of communication. The parts of the yard function almost independently. In the majority of the cases, the yard is being divided into two parts, living and working one. During the long summer period, the residence is being transferred from the inner, closed part of the house to the living part of the yard and the adjacent, roofed terrace opened to the yard. The clean residential part of the yard is the norm and it resembles a living garden - in rural as well as contemporary urban millieu. The division of the yard and the marginalization of its economic functions depend on the type of cultivation. The authoress analyses the causes, contexts and manifestations of functional differentiation and complicated systems of cultivation of the Balkan yard. Its formal unity can be perceived as a proof of its developmental stability and long, unrestrained development. The concept of residential family intimity of the closed yard is being followed to the Ancient roots, the atrial and peristyl house, as well as to the tradition of two thousand years of multipart houses of privileged and unprivileged millieu. This tradition is being interpreted as the carrying over of the value of Mediterranean, originally urban cultivated yard and the adaptation of the principle of division of the house - social, historical, ethnical and religious, of great potential for invention and renovation. It represents the Balkan unity in diversity.
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