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EN
The main subject of the article is the issue of the ‘Berberist Crisis’ of 1949, which has shaken the Algerian national movement in the late 1940s. Its first act was an unprecedented speech by a young Paris law student and a high-ranking member of the national movement structure Rašīd ‘Alī Yaḥya. During one of the party meetings, this activist from Berber-speaking Kabylia region appealed to those gathered to discuss the official proposal, which explicitly condemned the “myth of Arab-Muslim Algeria”. The controversial proposal was not only put for discussion but also voted with 28 votes in favour and 4 against. In Algiers, the action of Kabyle activists was read as an act of disobedience and even potential secession, as a result of which the Parisian structures of the Movement were immediately dissolved. In practical term, this meant the beginning of the fratricidal struggles within Algerian national movement, which on the eve of the outbreak of the War of Independence almost led to its split. The events of the ‘Berberist Crisis’ of 1949 have permanently entered the history of difficult Arab-Kabyle relations in independent Algeria, becoming largely the first act of conflict between the two largest ethnic groups in this country.
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Berberzy na marginesie historii

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EN
Berbers marginalized by history The Berbers belong to a group of “nations without state.” They are divided into a number of factions characterized by their own specificity (dialect and way of life), scattered endemically in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt (including Tuareg, in Mali, Niger and Mataranka). They all maintain a certain distance to state authorities (especially in Morocco and Algeria), where they are a significant minority, dominated by Arabic-speaking elites.The total number of Berbers is difficult to ascertain because of the ambiguity of the term “Berber” (which results from different degrees of arabization of Berbers). For centuries they have been Islamic, living in the shadow of the Arab population. Little is known about the significant contribution of Berbers to the development of ancient cultures of the Mediterranean and the first centuries of Christianity. Despite their linguistic and cultural Arabization (Islamization), they have maintained their distinctiveness. Manipulated by colonial France within the framework of the so-called “Berber policy,” they were entangled in conflicts with their Arab counterparts in Algeria and Morocco. Berberzy na marginesie historiiBerberzy należą do „narodów bez państwa”. Dzielą się na szereg odłamów odznaczających się własną specyfiką (dialektem i sposobem życia), rozrzuconych endemicznie na terenach Algierii, Maroka, Tunezji, Libii i Egiptu (a włączając w to Tuaregów, także Mali, Nigru i Mauretanii). Łączy ich utrzymywanie pewnego dystansu do władz państwowych (zwłaszcza Maroka i Algierii), gdzie stanowią znaczącą mniejszość, zdominowanych przez arabskojęzyczne elity.Ogólna liczba Berberów jest trudna do ustalenia z powodu niejednoznaczności samego terminu „Berber” (co wynika z różnego stopnia zarabizowania Berberów). Od stuleci zislamizowani, żyją w cieniu ludności arabskiej. Mało znany, a warty ukazania, jest wkład Berberów w rozwój kultur antycznych basenu Morza Śródziemnego oraz pierwszych wieków chrześcijaństwa.Pomimo trwającej stulecia arabizacji językowej i kulturowej (islamizacji) zachowali oni świadomość odrębności. Manipulowani przez kolonialną Francję w ramach tzw. polityki berberyjskiej, zostali oni uwikłani w konflikt ze swymi arabskimi współrodakami w Algierii i Maroku.
EN
This article attempts to present the main research directions of the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture in Morocco, focusing most prominently on its pursuits to revitalize the Amazigh language. The first part of the article aims to present the social circumstances of the Berber population of Morocco throughout history and the events that led to the establishment of IRCAM and later the adoption of the Amazigh language as an official language of the state. The second part analyses the Institute’s scholarly activities through the content analysis of its scientific journal and presents some conclusions about the Institute’s importance, both nationally and internationally. The last part reviews strategies employed by IRCAM’s linguists in an attempt to standardize the Amazigh language and thus prepare it to serve its constitutional role. The article is a result of a research visit that took place in July 2019 and was a part of a student project financed by Rada Konsultacyjna Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego and University of Warsaw Foundation.
PL
Sulh jest formą prawa obyczajowego dotyczącego polubownego porozumienia stron. Zasadniczo jest to ugoda dotycząca porozumienia pomiędzy zwaśnionymi lub pozostającymi w stosunkach neutralnych, ale nastawionymi na przyszłą współpracę ludźmi lub szerzej – grupami plemiennymi. Ugoda – sulh – istniejąca od wieków instytucja prawa zwyczajowego – posiada swoje zrytualizowane formy. Jedną z tych form opisano na przykładzie ugód z rejonu Tobruku w Libii.
EN
Sulh is the form of custom law which refers to an amicable agreement between parties. Generally speaking, it is an agreement which refers to people or, in a broader context, tribal groups who are in conflict with each other or who are neutral to each other or who look forward to future collaboration. The agreement, sulh, which is an institution of custom law which has existed for centuries, has its ritualised forms. One of these forms was described on the basis of the agreements concluded in the Tobruk area in Libya.
PL
Leff to instytucja prawa zwyczajowego stosowana do zawierania sojuszy i aliansów politycznych. Przyjmuje się że powstała ona w okresie wczesnego średniowiecza w XI w. n.e. Autor artykułu wykazuje, że dzięki analizie tekstu źródłowego z kroniki el- Bekriego można znaleźć na obszarze istniejącego we wczesnym średniowieczu emiratu Nekôr ślady stosowania tego prawa zawierania sojuszy już w IX w. n.e.
EN
Leff is the institution of custom law which was applied to conclude political partnerships and alliances. It is assumed that it was established in the early Middle Ages in the 11th c. AD. The author of the article demonstrates that thanks to an analysis of a source text from al-Bakri one may find traces of the use of this law of concluding alliances as early as in the 9th c. AD in the Nekôr emirate that existed in the early Middle Ages.
EN
Based on the classic concept developed by M.L. Pratt and the author’s experience of fieldwork in Africa, this article discusses methods of building a contact zone during anthropological field research. Under the conditions of such research, a limited space of mutual, lasting, interactive relations is created between the anthropologist and the local social environment. The contact zone understood in this way is produced discursively and practiced physically. The time factor and coordination of the anthropologist’s availa- bility with the rhythm of life in the studied community are paramount. The contact zone may have different scope and social depth – it will be shallow, scattered and short-lived in field research covering an extensive area, but will acquire an interactive depth during an “intensive habitation”, when an anthropologist shares everyday life with the studied community.
PL
The Berbers, an indigenous people of North Africa, belong to the group of “nations without a state.” For centuries, they were marginalized by the Arab majority or manipulated by European colonizers. Since the mid-twentieth century in North Africa, a movement for a Berber and Pan-Berber identity has been growing strongly. The movement has disseminated the neologism “Amazigh” as the endoethnonim of this group of peoples. The process of building (creating) a Berber identity has been slightly different in Morocco (where the stabilizing role of the monarchy has been highlighted) and in Algeria (where it has taken more violent forms). With the rise of Berber self-awareness in North Africa and the activity of the Berber diaspora in Europe (mainly in France), civil society organizations (associations) were established in Morocco and Algeria to defend the rights of the Berber minority. After many attempts and despite the resistance of Arab elites the Berber language and culture were recognized by the state authorities as equivalent to the Arabic component of the Algerian and Moroccan identity. State institutions (the Institut royal de la culture Amazighe–the IRCAM–in Morocco, and the Haut Commissariat à l’Amazighité–the HCA–in Algeria) were established for the revitalization of the Berber culture and language (tamazight).
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie sytuacji mniejszości berberyjskiej w Maroku w kontekście marokańskiej historii i formowania się nowoczesnego narodu marokańskiego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem pozycji berberyjskich kobiet w społeczeństwie. Walka kobiet berberyjskich o upodmiotowienie stanowi część szerszego procesu odzyskiwania przez Berberów ich tożsamości w sferze kultury i języka oraz walki marokańskich kobiecych organizacji pozarządowych o równouprawnienie w Królestwie. Pomimo zbliżonych celów, berberyjskie i marokańskie organizacje kobiece wykazują odmienne zakorzenienie kulturowe.
EN
The paper aims to present the Berber minority in the context of the Morocco’s history and formation of the modern Moroccan nation, with special focus on Berber women’s position in the society. The struggle for empowerment of Berber women is linked to a broader process of recovery of the Berber identity within the sphere of culture and language and to the activity of the Moroccan women’s organizations advocating for gender equality in the Kingdom. In spite of converging goals, major diff erences can be observed between the Berber and Moroccan organizations pointing to diverse cultural roots of both movements.
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