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Spory graniczne Etiopii z państwami sąsiednimi. Niekończąca się wojna

100%
Gemechu D.
Forum Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 10 - Przestrzeń i granice we współczesnej Afryce
353-371
XX
Ethiopia shares its frontiers with 5 countries: Sudan, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, and Djibouti. It has border disputes with all above mentioned countries. However, the nature and the extent of the problem vary; based on the specific relations with individual country. This article focuses on the major Ethiopian wars of border with Somalia and Eritrea. The politics of post-independence Somalia during the early 1960s was dominated by public opinion to unify all areas populated by ethnic Somalis into one country, to realize the concept of "Greater Somalia". Somalia has border dispute with Ethiopia especially Ogaden, in the South East of the country. Somalia started the border war with Ethiopia in February 1964. The conflict was ended by fast and successful intervention of the Organization of African Unity. The second war of Ogaden erupted in July 1977. Somalia decided to invade Ogaden, when internal political problems in Ethiopia were intensified, after emperor Haile Selasse was over thrown by the military. The Superpowers were also involved in the war; The Soviet Union and its allies supported Ethiopia and the United States, the Somali side. During the second war of Ogaden, about 8,000 Somali soldiers have been killed. In the aftermath of the war more than 400 000 civilians have been displaced. Ethiopia won both, the first and the second war of Ogaden. The war between Ethiopia and Eritrea over the border dispute started in May 1998 and ended in December 2000. Tens of thousands of people have lost their life in the conflict. Different sources have provided different numbers of victims of war on both sides. Approximately from 70 000 to 100 000 from the Ethiopian side and 30 000 Eritreans have lost their life. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), and the United Nations, the United States of America and other countries have actively involved in the peace process to stop the war. After two years of war, both parties agreed to form an independent boundary commission whose decision would be final and binding. In accordance with the treaty of Algiers, Eritrea accepted the April 2002 decision by an international Boundary Commission delimiting its borders with Ethiopia; but Ethiopia rejected it. The Security Council on 31 June 2000, by its resolution 1312 established the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), to verify the cessation of hostilities Agreement and assist in planning peace keeping. The Security Council of the UN unanimously adopted resolution 1827, on 30 July 2008, which terminated the mandate of the United Nations mission in Eritrea and Ethiopia. This decision came after Eritrea imposed restrictions on UNMEE, which could not carry out its mandate tasks. So far, there is no solution for the disputed areas, which means a war can be erupted again at any time.
2
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Granice i narodowy porządek rzeczy a uchodźcy afrykańscy

80%
Ząbek M.
Forum Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 10 - Przestrzeń i granice we współczesnej Afryce
403-413
EN
This article aims to draw attention, perception that refugees generally as a people passive, abrasion of specificity of culture, places and history, they do not necessarily have to reflect that. In the refugee camps sometimes arise very aware of their subjectivity refugee communities. Anthropologist Aristide Zolberg calls them "The New Palestinians", or "Refugee-Warriors". They create refugee identity and culture, aimed at returning to their country, to gain power, just like real Palestinians are threat to the existing political status quo and the existing borders and governments.
3
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Przyszłość państwa i granic w Afryce. Alternatywny punkt widzenia

80%
Trzciński K.
Forum Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 10 - Przestrzeń i granice we współczesnej Afryce
243-262
EN
In this article I present and critically analyze the main ideas of the Nigerian thinker, Ifeanyi A. Menkiti, on the problem of African borders for the future of the African state. Menkiti appears to consider that the basic condition for the successful coexistence of the various groups of peoples (ethnic groups, tribes) occupying the states of Africa is for relations between them to rest on equitable principles. Justice, in his opinion, should involve the fair and equitable division amongst peoples of the burdens and benefits of living in a common state. To realize this ideal, he proposes the creation in Africa of morally neutral, minimalist managerial states, in which the competencies of the regional authorities would be increased at the cost of the central government. He bases his plan in part on the ideas of John Rawls, especially on his 'law of peoples'. Close analysis of Menkiti's views shows that his vision of the managerial state is only a temporary solution, which is to lead to the peaceful dismemberment of the current post-colonial model of multi-ethnic states functioning within the old colonial borders. The basic value of Menkiti's thought rests in his reversal of the usual perspective on African states, as he considers that maintaining territorial integrity or achieving unity should no longer be considered a paramount necessity.
4
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Różnorodność w pojmowaniu granic i własności ziemi w Republice Czadu

80%
Różański J.
Forum Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 10 - Przestrzeń i granice we współczesnej Afryce
319-336
EN
The article shows accidentalness in construction of the borders in the Republic of Chad. On close examination to mark out the ground no one respects neither local tradition nor the cultural differences.Origin of the strong centralized country (French example) was not based of changing the mentality of understanding "our land" or "our territory" as over tribal an exclusive proprietary. At the same time there were not any trials neither to fall into line between the tribes over the land ownership nor to understanding with the preferred model of private ownership or country ownership. There is misunderstanding and conflict between the local long time honoured laws - customs - regarding ownership of lands and the law of the state. The conflict on the law of land is not the only one. We ought to count also differences based on different cultural, religious groups and their profession (shepherd and farmer) and their migration on impact of armed conflicts. The large part of the conflicts regarding the land ownerships might be resolved on the bases of the existing tribal rights as well as the state law.
5
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Limite, confine, frontiera: il trauma della guerra in Granice świata di Kazimierz Wierzyński

61%
Ciccarini M.
pl.it / rassegna italiana di argomenti polacchi
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2023
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vol. 14
48-63
EN
This article analyses the short story collection Granice świata (“The Limits of the World”) by Kazimierz Wierzyński. It emphasises two war narratives, namely The Patrol and Sentence of Death, in which the firstperson narrator (the author himself) experiences extreme events. Wierzyński’s characters commit terrible atrocities, and the writer describes their ruthless and unexpected reactions to highly distressing episodes.
6
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Der Krieg der Karten: Geografen und Grenzziehungen in Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa 1914–1920

61%
Górny M.
Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.
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2013
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vol. 5
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issue 1
9-39
EN
The author analyses professional geographical narratives centered upon the borders in East Central and Southeast Europe in the context of the First World War. It is argued that they represent a regional equivalent of nationalistic mobilization of intellectuals’ characteristic for Western Europe and broadly referred to as ‘spiritual war’ (Krieg der Geister). Typically, they tended to employ the newest methodological trends (notably anthropogeography) together with inspirations from the tradition of national characterology (or ethnopsychology). They also participated in the international discussions on the question of ‘natural’ borders. The main fronts of ‘the war of maps’ spread mostly around territorial claims in the region: the German expansion to the East, the conflict between Bulgaria and Serbia in Macedonia, the Polish-Ukrainian border conflict, hostilities between Italy and Serbia etc. The expertise of the East Central and Southeast European geographers was, then, instrumental for the reshaping of the region following the decisions of the Peace Conference. Finally, professional techniques and modes of argumentation used by the region’s geographers inspired interwar revisionist campaigns in Hungary and Germany.
7
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Historické hranice v prostředí GIS: správní regiony v Česku 1920–2012

61%
Burda T., Janoušek Z., Chromý P.
Historická geografie (Historical Geography)
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2014
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vol. 40
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issue 1
41-72
EN
This article discusses the methodology of demarcating administrative borders in Czechia in GIS in several chronological horizons and interprets the causes for changes in these borders between 1920 and the present. The current lack of historical administrative borders in the digital form has limited a number of scientific outputs from different disciplines. The result of this work is a database of administrative borders, which covers the territory of Bohemia and a part of Moravia and enables their application in transferring spatial data from historical sources, the creation of reconstruction maps or identification of territories of extensive internal peripheries, especially in the vicinity of regional borders.
8
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Problem prowincji gołęszyckiej i jej przynależności państwowej i kościelnej do początków XIII w. w historiografii

61%
Barciak A.
Historica: revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy (Historica: Review in history and related sciences)
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2015
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vol. 6
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issue 2
211-218
EN
The issue of affiliation of Golensizi province has only recently come under serious scrutiny by Czech historians. They proved, that this region, including the western lands that later came to be called the Duchy of Troppau, came under Czech domination in the second half of the 12th century. It was incorporated into the Olomouc diocese soon afterwards. The disagreements between the bishops of Wroclaw and Olomouc in the second decade of the 13th century, confirmed by historical sources, were caused by the Moravian margrave‘s occupation of the gold-bearing lands which primarily belonged to the bishop of Wroclaw. In fact, the disagreements were about the borders of both dioceses in the Golensizi Province region.
9
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Myths of territory and external borders in the EU’s contemporary idea and Europe in the Middle Ages

41%
Vitale A.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica
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2016
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issue 26
63-80
PL
Dyskurs nad polityką zagospodarowania przestrzennego w Unii Europejskiej nabrał ostatnio charakteru „terytorialnego”, zwłaszcza po kryzysie migracyjnym. Mimo, iż terminologia dotycząca tej dziedziny polityki bywa niejednoznaczna, to pojęcia terytorium oraz terytorialności są de facto coraz bardziej powszechne w dyskursie nad organizacją przestrzeni europejskiej (czyli UE). W rzeczywistości pojęcie terytorialności wyraźnie przyćmiło powszechne pojęcie „przestrzeni europejskiej”, które zostało opracowane na początku lat 90. ubiegłego stulecia. Zasadniczo dominująca koncepcja przestrzenna UE przyczynia się do zaostrzenia budowy terytorialnej przestrzeni europejskiej. Zarówno idea spójności terytorialnej, jak i ciągłości terytorialnej zapewnia odpowiedni wgląd w pojęcie terytorialności w ramach „dyskursu europejskiego”, a co za tym idzie wyraźnie pokazuje stopień akceptacji narzędzi rozgraniczających (w ramach polityki i praktyki), a także ostrą dychotomię wewnętrzną/zewnętrzną oraz wykorzystanie terytorium jako elementu wsparcia dla zunifikowanej jednostki politycznej. W związku z tym pragmatycznym pojęciem terytorialności, wizja Unii Europejskiej jako „nowego imperium”, charakteryzującego się zmiękczeniem granic i podziałem władzy politycznej pomiędzy wieloma wielopoziomowymi politykami, stała się co najmniej nierealna. Z drugiej strony Europa zawsze wyróżniała się otwartością na pozostałą część świata. Nigdy też nie była wyraźnie odgraniczonym kontynentem lub wydzieloną stałą granicą całością i zawsze charakteryzowała się przesunięciami przestrzeni politycznych. Średniowiecze w Europie charakteryzowało się nachodzeniem na siebie podzielonych struktur władzy i często kontrowersyjnych jurysdykcji, bez obudowy terytorialnej i jasnego pojęcia granicy. Dostrzeżenie wymiaru ponadnarodowego otwiera nowe możliwości badawcze i oferuje nowe sposoby pojmowania problemu.
EN
The European spatial development policy discourse has recently taken a “territorial” character, especially after the migrant crisis. Even if the terminology regarding this policy field remains ambiguous, territory, or territoriality, has become de facto an increasingly prevalent notion in the discourse on the organization of “European” (i.e. EU’s) space. In fact, the notion of territoriality and the prevalent “territorial” discourse produced an evident eclipse of the widespread notion of “European space” that had been developed in the early 1990s. Basically, the spatial predominant conception of the EU contributes to an emergence of a sharpened territorial building of the European space. The idea of both territorial cohesion and territorial continuity provides re­levant insights into the notion of territoriality in the “European discourse” and consequently clearly shows how are accepted the tools of hard bordering (as policies and practices) and the sharp inside/outside dichotomy, typical of a “Westphalian memory” and of an use of territory as support for a unified political unit. Due to this pragmatic notion of territoriality, the idea of the EU as a “non-Westphalian new empire”, characterized by softening of borders and sharing of political power across multiple and multilevel politics, became at least unrealistic. On the contrary, Europe has always been distinguished by its openness to the rest of the world. It has never been a clearly demarcated continent or a fixed bordered entity and it has always been characterized by shifting spatialities of politics. The Middle Ages in Europe were characterized by overlapping, divided authority structures and often contentious jurisdictions, without territorial containments and a clear notion of the border. The comprehension of the transnational dimension opens new avenues of research and offers new modes of understanding.
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