Search results

1

Paradigms of Otherness. The American Savage in British Eighteenth-Century Popular and Scholarly Literature

100%

Perazzini F.

Review of International American Studies

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2020

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vol. 13

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issue 1

235-258

EN

In this article, I trace the changes in the literary and material representations of the indigenous peoples of North America within the British sphere of cultural production. As a first example, I will give an account of the episode of the “Four Iroquois Kings” envoy at Queen Ann’s court in 1710, focusing on the resonance of such a historical encounter in popular texts and iconographic material. As a second example, I analyze the popular story of Inkle and Yarico included in Richard Steele’s The Spectator in 1711, showing its impact on the early Enlightenment reflections on colonial trade. In my conclusion, I examine the role of American natives in the scholarly works of the Scottish Enlightenment, in order to show how they were used as comparable types for the observation of the roots of European civilizations thus justifying the construction of the British imperial hegemony both geopolitical terms and discursive practice.

2

A Committee or a Conference?

100%

Valkoun J.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2013

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vol. 3

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issue 1

126-137

EN

This contribution is focused on the analysis of position of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the system of Imperial Conferences in inter-imperial relations in the years 1911–1914. After the Imperial Conference of 1911 rejected the reform proposals, some members of the Round Table Movement and British and Dominion representatives started the campaign for replacing the Conference system with the Committee of Imperial Defence. The Dominion refusing attitude was a final confirmation that the Committee was not going to become an advisory body of the British Empire any time soon, and that the Conference system remained unreformed.

3

Rozważania nad szkockim kontekstem upadku brytyjskiego imperium. Między wewnętrznym a zewnętrznym kolonializmem

100%

Czapiewski T.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2016

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issue 4(361)

37-52

EN

This article aims to analyze the relation between British imperialism and the Scottish question. In the first place, the role played by Scots as a nation in the creation of the empire is described, including different frameworks, i.e. internal colonialism. Secondly, the hypothesis of the indissoluble connection of institutions of the British Empire and the United Kingdom (UK) is verified. The collapse of the British Empire had to undermine the sense of the existence of the UK. In the opinion of the author of this article a significant relation between the two phenomena can be observed, although he stipulates that it had a non-obvious form, and the occurrence of the consequences was not a "historic necessity", but had been reinforced by a number of other reasons, of perhaps greater importance, as e.g. the failure of the Thatcher government, the weakness of the unionist parties in Scotland and the social and economic transformations. The Empire was perhaps the most apparent symbol of the unity of the UK and a focus of the British loyalty. And most importantly - the Empire strengthened the sense of the Scottish identity, allowing to assign to it the attribute uniqueness and introducing it into a modern frame. It is worth mentioning that the causal description may not be the right perspective here, thinking in terms of the system would be more valuable - every relationship and every variable, which is commonly referred to as being an effect or a cause, in fact, is both: cause and effect, as the relations are never one-way.

4

Did the Confinement of Boer Civilians in Concentration Camps by the British Army during the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) Constitute an Act of Genocide?

100%

Ribeiro H.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2020

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issue 52

EN

Did the Confinement of Boer Civilians in Concentration Camps by the British Army during the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) Constitute an Act of Genocide?This article addresses the confinement of Boer civilians in concentrationcamps by the British Army during the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902), specifically whether this confinement and its ramifications might amount to an act of genocide. This possibility is often dismissed out of hand by historians, who usually claim that the tens of thousands of deaths in the camps can be attributed to incompetence and non-human factors. This article uses Vahakn Dadrian’s definition of genocide, which considers indirect coercion as a tool of genocide. This type of coercion allows for concealing the actual ways adopted for achieving “population reduction”. This article argues that though the tens of thousands of deaths that occurred in the camps were not the result of direct physical violence, they nevertheless satisfy Dadrian’s definition of an act of genocide. Czy zamknięcie cywilnej ludności burskiej w obozach koncentracyjnych przez armię brytyjską podczas drugiej wojny burskiej (1899-1902) stanowi akt ludobójstwa?Artykuł podejmuje kwestię internowania cywilnej ludności burskiej w obozach koncentracyjnych przez armię brytyjską podczas drugiej wojny burskiej (1899-1902), w szczególności w świetle pytania, czy ten rodzaj odosobnienia oraz jego konsekwencje należy uznać za akt ludobójstwa. Taka możliwość bywa od razu odrzucana przez historyków, którzy zwykli twierdzić, że dziesiątki tysięcy ofiar śmiertelnych w tych obozach to jest efekt niekompetencji i czynników pozostających poza kontrolą ludzi. Autor artykułu odwołuje się do definicji ludobójstwa sformułowanej przez Vahakn Dadriana, według której przymus pośredni zalicza się do arsenału narzędzi ludobójstwa. Ten rodzaj środka przymusu pozwala ukryć rzeczywiste sposoby, które mają spowodować „zredukowanie populacji”. Artykuł dowodzi, że jakkolwiek śmierć kilkudziesięciu tysięcy osób w obozach nie była następstwem bezpośredniego użycia przemocy fizycznej, to jednak definicja ludobójstwa podana przez Dadriana zmajduje tu zastosowanie.

5

Great Britain, the Dominions and Their Position on Japan in the 1920s and Early 1930s

86%

Valkoun J.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2017

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issue 2

32-46

EN

This study focuses on analysing the positions of Great Britain and selected Dominions (Canada, Australia and New Zealand) towards Japan in the 1920s and early 1930s. It particularly focuses on the circumstances of the establishment of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and the questions raised in relation to British attempts at extending the alliance in 1921. In the end, international circumstances and the treaties signed at the Washington Conference led to the end of the alliance. The Far Eastern Crisis of 1931–1932 repeatedly forced British and Dominion, especially Australian, representatives to take a position on Japanese foreign policy and Tokyo’s aspirations. When the endeavour to deal with the disputes at the League of Nations failed, Australia decided to send a special mission led by Sir John Greig Latham to the Far East and the Pacific in order to consolidate friendly relations with neighbouring countries and attempt to solve mutual problems and conflicts.

6

John Eyre, the Morant Bay Rebellion in 1865, and the Racialisation of Western Political Thinking

86%

Budil I.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2012

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vol. 2

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issue 2

EN

The process of the racialisation of the Western political thinking and its expansion into the Western political thinking is analyzed in the context in the British colonial experience and the phenomenon of Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica in 1865. Jamaica – whose economy been based traditionally on sugar plantation – suffered by the decline of world prizes, abolition of slavery, and end of trade monopoly in the first decades of the nineteenth century. The British colony witnessed widespread poverty and deterioration of racial relationships. The methods used by Governor Edward John Eyre to suppress the revolt of local black populations in October 1865 compromised the image of Great Britain as “moral empire”, split the British public opinion and demonstrated visibly the crisis of the Western liberalism challenged by the political and social problems in the overseas.

7

The Attitude of the British Dominions to the Geneva Protocol

86%

Valkoun J., Novotný L.

Littera Scripta

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2017

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vol. 2

157-164

EN

The study is based on unpublished sources of British provenance and on scientific literature. It analyses the attitude of the British dominions to the suggested Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes (Geneva Protocol) in the autumn of 1924. Great Britain, as one of the main victors of the war, had to react to situations brought on by the new reality of the years following 1918. This primarily concerned its approach to the system of collective security that was constructed in order to prevent the horrors of war. The Geneva Protocol signified a certain climax in these efforts, in particular by France, who wanted to push through its views on collective security. After the victory of the Conservatives in the parliamentary elections in the autumn of 1924, it became clear that obligations such as compulsory arbitration or the possibility of the British Navy sailing out on behalf of the interests of the League of Nations were unacceptable to His Majesty’s Government.

8

Kondominium brytyjsko-francuskie — fenomen kolonialny na Vanuatu

86%

Siekiera J.

Prawo

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2017

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issue 322

79-87

EN

Over the entire 20th century, there was a joint government of France and the Great Britain in what is now the Republic of Vanuatu. This specific form of governance, called condominium, is legitimatised by the virtue of international law, but it occurs indeed rarely. This political system provides the equal distribution of rights and responsibilities in the colony, and also between the partner states. Nonetheless, the dual governments in Vanuatu deny this principle. The article presents the history of the Republic’s statehood as well as the implications of the joint British-French governments on the current legal order.

9

William Lyon Mackenzie King and the Question of the Institutional Status of Governors-General at the Imperial Conference, 1926

86%

Valkoun J.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2020

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vol. 10

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issue 2

189-199

EN

The paper is focused on an analysis of British-Canadian constitutional and institutional relations in connexion with the nation-building process, Mackenzie King’s nationalist tendencies and Canadian efforts to be partly recognised as an independent state during the Imperial Conference of 1926, which marked a new phase in relations among the Dominions and the mother country. The circumstances strengthened Canada’s Prime Minister, Mackenzie King, in his conviction that they had to break free from their obligations arising from common policies, and instead ensure that Ottawa enforce an independent, or at least autonomous, form of foreign policy. Subsequent conflicts of opinion between Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King and Canadian Governor-General Viscount Byng affected the agenda of inter-Imperial relations regarding ensuring a precise definition of the institutional status of Governors-General. Mackenzie King thought that Governors-General should from then on represent the Crown, but not the London government. This change would give Dominion governments direct access to the King. Previously, Governors-General in the Dominions had been viewed more as “communication intermediaries” between Britain and local representatives rather than direct representatives of the King.

10

Kształtowanie brytyjskiego systemu imperialnego w Zatoce Perskiej po zakończeniu I wojny światowej

86%

Bania R.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2017

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vol. 55

151-164

EN

The British Empire had tried to build its dominant position in the Persian Gulf from the second half of the 18t century. The region was seen as a key position for the security of the naval routs between Great Britain and the Indian Sub-Continent. During the 19th century, the British Empire managed, using the so-called Exclusive Treaties, to cease its control over the Arab sheikdoms of the Gulf. The Gulf ’s significance for the British Empire has risen in the eve of the Great War. After the end of WWI, Great Britain became a dominant power in the Middle East. This situation forced the British Empire to establish new rules of the political and imperial engagement in the Middle East. This process was finished in the end of the 1920s. The rules of the imperial policy towards this region that had been established that time were executed till the end of the 1940s.

PL

Począwszy od połowy XVIII wieku Imperium Brytyjskie było zaangażowane w budowanie silnej pozycji mocarstwowej w obszarze Zatoki Perskiej. Obszar ten był traktowany jako istotny dla zabezpieczenia morskich szlaków komunikacyjnych pomiędzy metropolią a Indiami Brytyjskimi. W XIX wieku Wielka Brytania zdołała w oparciu o tzw. traktaty na wyłączność uzależnić od siebie arabskie szejkanaty Zatoki, obejmując je nieformalnym protektoratem. Rola Zatoki Perskiej dla Imperium Brytyjskiego wzrosła w przededniu wybuchu I wojny światowej, z uwagi na znaczenie znajdujących się tam zasobów ropy naftowej dla Royal Navy. Zakończenie I wojny światowej i objęcie przez Wielką Brytanię pozycji dominującego mocarstwa na Bliskim Wschodzie wymusiło konieczność opracowania nowych zasad polityki imperialnej wobec tego obszaru. Wypracowanie zasad tej polityki zostało zakończone pod koniec lat 20. XX wieku. Przyjęte wtedy rozwiązania określały podstawy brytyjskiej polityki wobec subregionu Zatoki do końca lat 40. XX wieku.

11

Dominions, Great Britain and Questions Related to Imperial Foreign Policy Implementation and Direction in the 1920s and at the Beginning of the 1930s

86%

Valkoun J.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2016

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vol. 6

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issue 2

267-292

EN

The study focuses on the problems of British-Dominion relations with a special regard to the share of the Dominions in formation, execution and direction of the imperial foreign policy in the 1920s and at the beginning of the 1930s. In the post war period, it was expected that recognition of a formal independence and a new international status of the British Dominions would be take place. Concurrently with a wider conception of the Dominion autonomy, a more intensive cooperation was realised within the Empire, which gradually led to a bigger interest of the overseas autonomous units in the decision-making process concerning the direction of the imperial foreign policy. The observed problems concentrated on two main fronts, it means the measure of consultations among the mother country and the Dominions and individual foreign policy questions, crisis, incidents and events that, in reality, contributed to a discussion concerning the share of overseas autonomous units in the formation and execution of the Imperial foreign policy from the side of the British Foreign Office. Balfour Declaration adoption, increasing the importance of the Dominions, began the period that was significant with pacification of debates concerning execution of the imperial foreign policy and during which it was necessary to wait for next few years for this status legislative approval till the adoption of the Statute of Westminster in December 1931.

12

Great Britain, the Dominions and the Paris Peace Conference

72%

Valkoun J.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2014

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vol. 4

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issue 2

145-162

EN

The First World War represented the biggest challenge and a test of cohesion for the individual parts of the Empire. Newly, the dominions were to reach full recognition as autonomous nations of the imperial community. Participation of the Dominions at the Paris Peace Conference and the issues discussed there influenced the status of the Dominions not only to their mother country, but also to the wider world. All the Dominions, except for Newfoundland, found themselves among members of the new international organisation – the League of Nations. In addition, Dominion delegates also signed the Treaty of Versailles, which the overseas leaders considered a formal recognition of their formal independence on the part of the British. However, in contrast to the expectations of the Dominion representatives, a symbolic recognition of their new status did not take place and, therefore, the world continued to regard them as an integral part of the British Empire, i.e. that the British still represented them in many aspects on the outside. The course of the conference, however, did confirm that it was not possible to view the Dominions as “ordinary” colonies or dependent territories anymore. The First World War strengthened the general trend heading towards a broader understanding of autonomy and to a more intense cooperation within the Empire.

13

The British Empire as a Family in W. Somerset Maugham’s “The Force of Circumstance”

72%

Kosecki K.

Forum for Contemporary Issues in Language and Literature

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2020

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issue 1

42-55

PL

Set in the context of early 20 th century Malaya, W. Somerset Maugham’s (1874–1965) short story “The Force of Circumstance” (1926) concisely represents the conflicting attitudes to sex and family life among the British colonial employees. The narrative, which develops around the main hero Guy’s relationships with his English wife Doris and an unnamed Malay concubine, reflects a contrast between the attitudes to sex dominant in the official imperial ideology of that time and the practice in the colonies. The frameworks of narratology and Cognitive Poetics make it possible to read the complicated situation of the main hero as an extended metaphor of the British Empire, in which formal and informal family relations map onto the relations between Great Britain and the dependent states. Though the British imperial ideology used the concept of family to strengthen the relations between the metropole and the colonies, Maugham’s story represents the Empire as a not-so happy family – a result of circumstances rather than of mutual bond and consent.

14

The Establishment of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the British-Dominion Relations, 1904–1911

72%

Valkoun J.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2015

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issue 2

61-72

EN

This contribution is focused on the analysis of the establishment of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the British-Dominion relations from 1904 to 1911. The formation of the first dominions by linking the until-then Self-governing Colonies together raised the question of what the position of the new Dominions to their mother country and the other parts of the Empire was. Before the outbreak of the First World War, matters related to the Dominion status were discussed at several Colonial, from 1907 Imperial Conferences; however, neither British nor Dominion politicians managed to reach an agreement or a complex solution. In fact, only partial solutions were adopted. At the turn of the 19th and 20th century, the British Government began to pursue defence matters intensively. A lot of foreign-policy issues, and in particular fear of German naval armaments, had a profound influence on the debate; indeed, this was the case to the extent that the significance of the second influential imperial institution, i.e. the Imperial Defence Committee, rose. Even though the system of imperial conferences, that served as a forum where crucial questions dealing with imperial, foreign, defence and economic policies were decided, was institutionalised and firmly “anchored” in the imperial structure, it had to compete with the powerful Imperial Defence Committee.

15

Внешние и внутренние геополитические предпосылки восстания (бунта) 1916 года

58%

Суюнбаев М. Н., Суюнбаев И. М., Курманов З. К., Узбеков Д. С.

Studia Orientalne

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2016

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issue 2(10)

95-102

PL

W artykule autorzy rozważają sytuację geopolityczną Kirgistanu w czasie powstania, które miało miejsce w 1916 roku w Azji Centralnej, na tle konfliktu interesów politycznych imperium rosyjskiego i imperium brytyjskiego.

EN

In is article the authors consider geopolitical situation which developed at the time of revolt of 1916 in Central Asia, raising questions of collision of political interests of the Russian and British empires.

16

Konstitucionální postavení dominií v rámci Britského impéria a jejich zájmy na Pařížské mírové konferenci (leden – červen 1919)

58%

Valkoun J.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2015

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vol. 23

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issue 2

83-103

EN

The Great War was a milestone not just in world history, but also in terms of constitutional relations between London and autonomous parts of the British Empire. Dominions, which were considered ‘sister’ nations of the Imperial Commonwealth endeavoured to acquire international recognition as a result of their war efforts. Participation of the dominions at discussions in Paris, membership of the new international organisation, the League of Nations, involvement in the administration of mandated territories and co-signature of the Treaty of Versailles gave rise to euphoria amongst the overseas representatives who saw it as the recognition of their formal independence and new international status that they desired. The war years and the course of the Paris Peace Conference confirmed that the dominions could no longer be regarded as ordinary ‘colonies’ or dependent territories. The First World War and post-war developments generally boosted the trend for dominions to set out on the road to a wider concept

17

Dominia jako semiperyferia politycznej struktury imperium brytyjskiego.

58%

Dańda A.

Kultura i Polityka

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2010

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issue 7

29-52

PL

W teorii światowego systemu gospodarczego Immanuel Wallerstein formułuje trzy podstawowe założenia, które stanowią bazę dla proponowanego przezeń geoekonomicznego podziału współczesnego świata: • Relacje ekonomiczne i polityczne między różnymi regionami świata oparte są na podziale na rdzeń (centrum), peryferie i semiperyferie; • Istnienie peryferii jest niezbędne dla istnienia rdzenia; • Istnienie semiperyferii jest wystarczającą nagrodą dla ich mieszkańców i dlatego odczuwają oni wspólnotę interesów z rdzeniem. • Próba zastosowania zaproponowanej przez Wallersteina siatki pojęciowej dla opisu struktury politycznej Imperium Brytyjskiego skutkuje wnioskami następującej treści: istotnie możliwe jest wyodrębnienie w brytyjskiej strukturze imperialnej elementów wymienianych przez Wallersteina jako konstytuujące strukturę geoekonomiczną określonego systemu. W Imperium Brytyjskim pierwszej połowy XX w. wyraźnie daje się wyodrębnić centrum (Anglia, czy też szerzej – Wielka Brytania), semiperyferie (dominia brytyjskie: Kanada, Australia i Nowa Zelandia) oraz peryferie (posiadłości afrykańskie, dalekowschodnie i inne). Również i druga teza Wallersteina znajduje swoje potwierdzenie w zaobserwowanych faktach: istnienie peryferii – czyli kolonii – istotnie było w realiach imperialnych niezbędne dla przetrwania rdzenia. Poważne trudności pojawiają się dopiero przy próbie dopasowania trzeciej z tez Wallersteina do obrazu Imperium Brytyjskiego. Można zaryzykować wręcz twierdzenie przeciwne do tej trzeciej tezy: to właśnie fakt, że pewne kraje wchodzące w skład Imperium cieszyły się na różnych etapach jego rozwoju statusem semiperyferiów sprawił, że kraje te prędzej lub później wyłamywały się z jednolitej struktury politycznej Imperium Brytyjskiego. Niniejszy artykuł, konfrontując tezy Wallersteina z brytyjską imperialną rzeczywistością, analizuje zarazem proces, w wyniku którego z jednolitego organizmu politycznego brytyjskiego Imperium wyodrębniły się inne podmioty stosunków międzynarodowych – quasi-niezależne jednostki państwowe: dominia brytyjskie.

EN

In his theory of world economic systems Immanuel Wallerstein formulates three basic statements which constitute the basis for his proposition concerning the geoeconomic division of the contemporary world: • The economic and political relations which exist between the various world regions are based on a division into the core (the center), the periphery and the semi-periphery; • The existence of a periphery is essential for the existence of the core; • The existence of a semi-periphery is a sufficient reward for its inhabitants and that is why they feel connected, by their common interests, with the core. The attempt to apply Wallerstein’s terminology for the purposes of the description of the British Empire’s political structure results in the following conclusions: indeed, it is possible to distinguish in the British imperial structure the elements named by Wallerstein as the constitutive elements for a given geoeconomic system. In the British Empire of the first half of the 20th century the division into the core (England or, to accept the wider point of view, Great Britain), the semi-periphery (the British dominions: Canada, Australia and New Zealand) and the periphery (the African and Middle Eastern dependencies as well as other overseas territories) is clearly seen. Also, the second statement of Wallerstein finds its corroboration in the factography: the existence of a periphery – meaning: the colonies – was indeed essential for the continuous existence of the core in imperial reality. Only the third of Wallerstein’s statements presents some substantial problems when trying to match a general structural relation described by Wallerstein to the particular case of the British Empire. We can even risk a hypothesis which is contradictory to Wallerstein’s: the fact that certain countries comprising the British Empire were given the status of semi-periphery later compelled those countries to break away from the political structure of the British Empire. This article, while confronting Wallerstein’s generalizations with British imperial reality, also concentrates on an analysis of the process which ultimately led to the dissolution of the solid imperial political structure. The final stage of this process was marked by a new group of actors entering the international relations domain: the quasi-independent British dominions.

18

Dzieci Imperium. O kształtowaniu angielskiej tożsamości w latach 1890-1914

58%

Galewski J.

Studia z Teorii Wychowania

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2021

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vol. XII(2 (35))

159-167

EN

Britain was an imperial power in the quarter-century before the outbreak of World War. Leaders expressed a sense of moral responsibility for ensuring competent and just rule for the nations of the Empire. At the same time, the fulfillment of this duty was a justification for the exercise of power itself, understood in ethical terms, and involved the preparation of a citizen of the Empire, both educated and shaped by universally accessible school education. The teaching of history, linked to the formation of the identity of the model citizen, has been subordinated to this preparation. The current article is an attempt at indicating the presence and purpose of historical threads in materials intended for the initial learning of reading.

PL

Brytania w ćwierćwieczu poprzedzającym wybuch wojny światowej była potęgą imperialną. Przywódcy wyrażali poczucie moralnej odpowiedzialności za zapewnienie kompetentnych i sprawiedliwych rządów narodom Imperium. Wypełnienie tego obowiązku było zarazem uzasadnieniem samego sprawowania władzy, rozumianym w kategoriach etycznych i zakładało przygotowanie obywatela Imperium, wykształconego i ukształtowanego przez powszechnie dostępną edukację szkolną. Nauczanie historii, powiązane z kształtowaniem tożsamości modelowego obywatela, zostało podporządkowane temu przygotowaniu. Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą wskazania obecności i zastosowania wątków historycznych w materiałach przeznaczonych do początkowej nauki czytania.

19

Britsko-dominiální vztahy, imperiální preference a imperiální ekonomická konference v Ottawě v roce 1932

58%

Valkoun J., Fischerová E.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2018

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vol. 26

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issue 1

91-109

EN

This study is based on an analysis of unpublished sources of British provenance and focuses on Anglo-Dominion relations in the context of efforts at implementing a system of Imperial Preference made at the British Empire Economic Conference in Ottawa in 1932. The Great Depression meant that the British government was forced to abandon the principles of free trade in 1931, implementing protective customs measures. As such, on the one hand the Dominions endeavoured to gain preference for its exports, while on the other hand they tried to protect domestic producers from British competitors. For a change, Britain strived to achieve better conditions for domestic exporters transporting goods to overseas markets. In 1932, the Ottawa British Empire Economic Conference was convened, at which a compromise preference system was agreed to which was of great benefit to British foreign trade, and which helped to strengthen and expand economic and trading relations within the Empire during the 1930s.

20

Traktat z Waitangi jako przykład twórczej translacji politycznej.

58%

Dańda A.

Kultura i Polityka

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2011

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issue 10

29-42

PL

6 lutego 1840 roku przedstawiciel Korony Brytyjskiej wicegubernator Hobson oraz 45 wodzów maoryskich z północnej części Wyspy Północnej podpisali Te Tiriti o Waitangi – Traktat z Waitangi. Każdemu z wodzów Maorysów, który złożył już swój podpis pod tekstem dokumentu, Hobson ściskał dłoń w geście braterstwa, dodając: He iwi tahi tatou („Jesteśmy teraz jednym ludem”). Czy Maorysi wiedzieli, na co wyrażają zgodę? Problem z Traktatem z Waitangi polega na tym, że został on przygotowany przez przedstawicieli Korony Brytyjskiej w dwóch wersjach językowych: angielskiej i maoryskiej. Teoretycznie miały być one wersjami jednobrzmiącymi. Jednakże w trakcie późniejszego stosowania przepisów Traktatu okazało się, iż jego tłumaczenie na język maoryski dokonane przez Brytyjczyków wcale nie było dokładnym odzwierciedleniem brytyjskiej wersji umowy. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie determinant, które wpłynęły na decyzję Brytyjczyków odnośnie do przygotowania dwóch różniących się od siebie wersji językowych dokumentu. Szczególna uwaga zostaje zwrócona na problemy manipulacji, które pojawiają się w procesie przekładu tekstów politycznych oraz na trudności i pokusy, przed jakimi staje tłumacz w sytuacji, kiedy dany język nie jest jeszcze językiem w pełni wykształcony w konkretnej dziedzinie. W końcowych fragmentach tekstu autor stara się wykazać, że Traktat z Waitangi, który został wprowadzony do systemów prawnych Imperium Brytyjskiego i Nowej Zelandii, nie do końca z zachowaniem zasady prowadzenia negocjacji w dobrej wierze, jest obecnie uznawany zarówno przez Maorysów, jak i potomków białych osadników za kluczowy dokument konstytuujący współczesną narodowość nowozelandzką.

EN

On February 6th 1840 Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty of Waitangi) was signed by the representative of the British Crown – Lieutenant-Governor Hobson – and 45 Maori chiefs from the northern part of the North Island. Each and every Maori chief, who already signed the text of the Treaty, was given a handshake by Hobson and a short remark: „He iwi tahi tatou” („We are now one people”). Did the Maori know what they gave their support to? The problem with the Treaty of Waitangi is that it was prepared by the representatives of the British Crown in two language versions: in English and in Maori. Those two versions were meant to be, in theory, linguistically equivalent. In later practice however, it turned out that the Maori translation prepared by the British was not accurate at all. The aim of the paper is to present determinants which influenced British decision to prepare the two non-equivalent texts of this international treaty. A special attention is given towards the question of manipulation in translation process and the opportunities for abuse which translator has to face when the language of translation is not fully developed in a given field yet. In the concluding remarks the author points out to the fact that the treaty, which has been implemented into the legal systems of both the British Empire and New Zealand not exactly in accord with the principle of negotiating in good faith, is today considered by the Maori and Pākehā alike as a key document which constitutes contemporary nationality of New Zealanders.

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