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EN
Political and cultural identification of Poles and Czechs (and their countries) remains in strong relation to Germany and Russia. This problem can be seen from two fundamental perspectives. First is a glance at Poles and Czechs from 'outside'. Here we find two important questions. Primo, one should analyse changes in Poland and Czechoslovakia after Second World War. Both countries that in the consequence of cold-war political arrangement were forced to the east side of the 'iron curtain'. It has influenced policy, demography and territorial status (all these transformations are described in this article). Secundo, one should take into consideration intentions, character and degree of Russia's and Germany's influence on Poland and Czechoslovakia. It is interesting to find reasons of shaping attitudes of Poles and Czechs with reference to Russia's and Germany's behaviour in international relations. What is the role and political interest of Russia and Germany in Central Europe? The second prospect is to look from 'inside' at Russia's and Germany's acting on political and cultural identification of Poles and Czechs. Primo, a question appears about defining and expressing national identities by both nations on international level. Political and cultural identity of Poles and Czechs is a subject of research into outer relations (international). We ask about influence of two factors: Russian and German and their consequences on political and cultural behaviour of Poles and Czechs. There are four sociological aspects of this problem. The first important thing is to watch the evolution of social relation to Russia (Russians) and Germany (Germans) by Poles and Czechs since the end of war, particularly after the so called peace revolution (1989). It is a question about a scale of positive and negative feelings to Russians and Germans. The second aspect is identification by Poles and Czechs of typical features of average Russian and German. Third, one should consider at the opinion about relations to Russian and German states on the base of social research made in Poland and the Czech Republic. Fourth, it is interesting to learn what Poles and Czechs, think about their own national identity, about their place and role in Europe in context of close neighbourhood of European and Euro-Asian powers. Secundo, one should put an open question about importance of transnational identification of Poles and Czechs in relation to Central European community.
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CZECHS IN POLISH VOLHYNIA, 1919-1939

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EN
A small number of Czech settlers arrived in Volhynia, the most rural province in Western Russia, in the second half of the 20th century. The Russian authorities favored this migration for one reason: they hoped that the Czech minority would weaken the Polish community living there. The Czechs, who made up ca. 1,5-2% of the entire population of Volhynia, soon recognized that only a loyal attitude towards the Russian State and, in a later period the Polish State, could guarantee this numerically small ethnic group some success among the Polish and Ukrainian populations. The local administration in many ways supported the loyalty of ethnic minorities in Volhynia. Although economically the area was developing rather quickly, upon the eve of the WW I, it was still an agricultural province, and the majority of Czechs worked in this sector, with some owning arable land. Many of the Czechs owned agricultural machines on their farms, and hop cultivation was the most important source of profit for the settlers. The Czechs were active in social and cultural life. Settlements had newspapers, orchestras, choirs, as well as their famous volunteer Fire Brigades. Education and schooling was an important problem. Although the Polish authorities favored a system of polonization, many Czech children nevertheless attended bilingual schools. Moreover, one of the settlers, Vladimir Meduna, was a member of Parliament in the 1930s. In the same period, an honorary consulate opened in the small town of Kwasilow, with Vladimir Svarovsky as its head. Unfortunately, the Czech settlements in Volhynia negatively influenced Polish-Czechoslovak relations in the interwar period.
EN
The article deals with the development of Czech and Slovak relations in Bratislava during the inter-war period, disrupted by the autonomist radicalisation of Slovak society that resulted in the establishment of the totalitarian regime of the Slovak state. The incorporation of the predominantly German and Hungarian city in the new Czechoslovak Republic in 1918 resulted in mass immigration of Czechs and Slovaks. The mutual relations developed under the difficult conditions of the new state and multi-ethnic city. I focus on the contribution of Czechs at the stage of Bratislava’s transformation into a Czechoslovak city and on its economic and cultural development which brought Slovak citizens to the fore, becoming the most numerous ethnic population group. It is not my ambition to provide an analysis of the entire 20-year period; my intention is to generalise the social consequences of some key events.
EN
One of the types of Czech travelers visiting the world exhibitions in the latter half of the 19th century was the tourist type. Tourists differed from the other visitors particularly in their specific view of the travel, their special requirements and expectations. The tourist-type visitors constituted the largest group of people visiting the world exhibitions, and the exhibition organizers made every endeavor to adapt their events to the specific needs of this kind of people. Czech visitors of this type could meet on that occasion members of other nations while their new experience was often a contradiction to the established stereotypes and prejudices. Not infrequently the visitor's confrontation with the foreign country motivated his own self-reflection.
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2020
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vol. 68
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issue 5
797 – 814
EN
By presenting the most recent scholarship on the intense, although not turbulent, relations between Serbia on one side and Czechs and Slovaks on the other, this article aims to show how the unique experience of being on opposite sides during the First World War did not necessarily lead toward creation of animosities and controversies. On the contrary, it not only resulted in support, understanding and cooperation but also led to the creation of new and deepening of existing liaisons in the decades that followed the first global conflict.
EN
The paper sets a goal to find out whether Taras Shevchenko knew particular works of Ján Kollár, to point out possible contacts as well as typological overlaps between the both writers in terms of reflecting on national revival and also to draw attention to differences between them. The article combines the methods and techniques of comparative and historical literary studies and comparative and typological literary research. The comparison of the works of the two great Slavic poets has revealed certain interrelations. It confirms that Shevchenko knew the sonnets 267 (in the original) and 75 (in the Russian translation) from Kollár ́s poem Slávy dcéra/The Daughter of Slavs published in the collection by Amvrosii Metlynsky Думки і пісні та ще дещо/Thoughts and songs and some other things (Kharkiv 1839). In terms of artistic representation of national revival there are common elements as well as significant differences in the approaches of either writer: while what Kollár had in mind was revival of Slovaks and Czechs in a wider circle of Slavic nations implementing the idea of Pan-Slavism, Shevchenko was (very probably) familiar with this conception, its echoes are recorded in the dedication of the poem Єретик/The Heretic and other of his works, what worried him was mainly the misery of the Ukrainian nation, which was in Imperial Russia deprived of its own history, language, culture and any national rights in general. The gained results provide the basis for establishing the borders of assumed Shevchenko ́s adoption of the Czech-Slovak revivalist ́s knowledge.
EN
Slovakia has been the object of attention of the Czech politics for many reasons. There was the awareness of ethical, language and cultural closeness on the one hand and there were some Czech issues they took a view we can say close to sameness. And the next feature, the geopolitical side of question, on that has not been laying stress hitherto on the other hand. Czech lands united to Slovakia should have been kept out of the question of German encirclement, which has been the main threat of the national and state existence that shows especially the views of Thomas G. Masaryk. And the Slovaks united into a single state with Czechs should have been protected from the danger of Magyarization. That was the foundation of mutual Czech-Slovak state idea lasting to the end of the 20th century. The end of the bipolar arrangement in Europe has led to releasing of the Czech-Slovak political unity. However Slovakia is an example of the nearest partner at the present Czech politics. The entrance of the Czech Republic and Slovakia to the European Union built the new bounds of possibility of mutual rapprochement and cooperation.
EN
The paper addresses the issue of the marginalisation of an ethnic group. The example taken is the Czech community in Bratislava in the period from 1919 to 1945, when it underwent processes of adaptation to the new social milieu and marginalisation as a result of political development in Slovakia. The question is how the Slovak environment accepted Czech migrants and how they managed to come to terms with it, how their social acceptation changed, why they became a political problem, how they became a marginalised social group and how the Slovak government, which emerged in 1938 as a result of political changes, took account of them. This paper does not merely aim, however, to analyse the degree of their adaptation and the gradual process of marginalisation: there is also an attempt to make information available about this little-known aspect of the history of the city.
EN
After the revolutionary year 1848 both Slovak and Czech political representations faced the same challenge in their searching for a new constitutional order, although their respective state-forming activity was differed. In this context the overlapping conceptions of Jan Palarik and Karel Havlicek Borovsky are worthy consideration. They both underline the strategy of gradualism in the nation-forming process as well as cultural distinctiveness combined with civic ethos. Further, they both combined the romanticism grounded in national feeling with the Enlightenment ideas and the importance of practical reason. Their liberalism underlining the national and civic equality and the bottom up political activity thus can be seen as a new incentive in creating the constitutional grounds of both Slovak and Czech nations.
EN
A number of studies adopting either Hofstede ́s Cultural Values Survey approach or Schwartz ́s concept of Value Types have documented major distinctions in value preferences between Czechs and Slovaks. The most prominent one has been represented either by the dimension of Masculinity (as constructed by Hofstede) or value type of Achievement (a concept of Schwartz); both defined by similar content, stressing the importance of success, achievement and competence. In this study, we therefore aim to explore this difference in more detail. For that purpose, we contrasted two matched samples of Czech (N=200) and Slovak (N=200) participants representative of the two populations. One of the main findings of the study was that several items were interpreted quite differently both within and across the countries. This prompted us to look in more detail at the four items that make up the MAS index. Our results, based on participants ́ responses to VSM2013 and PVQ21 and their demographic information, suggest that factors such as religious affiliation, age, gender and residence size were not major predictors of cross-cultural differences in Masculinity, but rather this single item on Hofstede's VSM 2013 questionnaire. One theoretical possibility brought about by our findings is that while the dimension of Masculinity might be culturally universal, the items devised to measure it could have culture-specific content.
Slavica Slovaca
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2009
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vol. 44
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issue 1
46-68
EN
Kollar's idea of the ethnic and linguistic unity of Slavs was affected by his schematic concept and subjectivism. His idea of a common standard language for Slovaks and Czechs was based on the principles of the Slavonic literary reciprocity. Kollar's postulate of the common literary language for Slovaks and Czechs did not, however, lead to a statement of ethnic fusion between Slovaks and Czechs. Jan Kollar himself was an ardent Slovak patriot and defender of Slovaks against the increasing pressure of Magyarization (Hungarization).
EN
Based on a study of Czech and Polish sources and the contemporary press, the article introduces one of the chapters in the relations between the Czechs and the Poles in the Těšín region immediately following World War II. The focal point is an analysis of the political parties' standpoints to solving the problems of the Polish minority in the Těšín region, which became a very hot issue particularly during the pre-election campaign in 1946. Besides characterising the Těšín situation during the first month following the end of World War II, the text concentrates on the position of citizens who were forced to accept a conditional Reichs citizenship during the war (Deutsche Volksliste) that involved many Poles. The author uses the researched material to document that the issue of the Polish minority in the Těšín region became an important tool in the pre-election campaign and in the struggle between the Communists and the national socialists. Although the communists' attitude towards the Polish minority was the most positive of all the political parties and willing to support part of the Poles' minority demands, the analysis of the election outcome suggests that part of the Poles probably decided to cast a white ballot in the ballot box, thus protesting against the minority policy of the Czechoslovak government.
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Bohemistyka
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2012
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vol. 12
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issue 4
289-301
EN
The novel Grandhotel is a work by Jaroslav Rudiš, the Czech writer of young generation. The main protagonist of the novel is Fleischman, whose portrait, together with other characters, is presented against the historical background of twentieth-century Liberec and the Sudeten Mountains. By describing Fleischman’s complicated personality and identity, Rudiš attempts to evaluate social spirit of contemporary Czechs. Out of the novel Grandhotel two main dimensions emerge: the first is existential and presents individuals who with their complicated “life lines” and personal dramas look for their own place in the world; the second presents a community in the historical, social and cultural context. In addition, the latter dimension is filled with complicated twentieth-century stories and relations between two nations living in the Sudeten Mountains: the Czechs and the Germans. The twentieth-century world created by Rudiš in the novel does not imply optimism, but it is not deprived of humor and irony, either.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2017
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vol. 49
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issue 4
405 – 426
EN
The topic of the article is the scope and limits of the model of patriarchal gender relations in the Balkans. Ethnographic material of Vojvodovo, a village of Czechs and Slovaks in Bulgaria, is used to test the general applicability of this model. The author analyses sexual division of labour, inheritance practices or marriage strategies in Vojvodovo, as well as the local folk model of gender relations. Gender ideology and practice of gender relations of Vojvodovo villagers are set in the context of the Balkan societies to discuss to what extent this village presents an exception in the “Balkan patriarchal model”.
EN
This paper compare two paradigms used for addressing the question of migration and conducting research work on Czechs living abroad in the 1960s and ´70s, in what was then the Institute of Ethnology and Folkloristics of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. It is shown that there was an older paradigm, derived from nationalist ethnography focused on one´s own ethnic group, and simultaneously a second paradigm using the assimilationist and acculturationist models emerging in countries with high immigration which had projects for the absorption of minorities and migrant groups. While both these approaches found adherents throughout the world, in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s and ´70s they were adapted to the existing social situation, and as the text demonstrates, they also proved applicable at the end of the 1980s and in the early 1990s. The article is based on content analysis of texts on research by Jaromír Jech, Vladimír Scheufler, Olga Skalníková and Vladimír Karbusický on Czechs in Banat region of Romania, and also content analysis of Iva Herdlová´s works on Czechs in Poland and Prussia. The text aims above all to extend the spectrum of knowledge about what the ethnological community of that time was working on, and which methods and paradigms were used, since the generalizations made hitherto in this regard have tended to oversimplify the situation.
EN
The common Czecho-Austrian past can be discussed at a different level than before, namely at the nonpolitical level to identify the preconditions of mutual reconciliation. There is probably a general rule saying that reconciliation between persons, groups of people and nations can only be achieved if the parties rid themselves of their past, abandon their traditional national positions and cross the symbolical boundaries of previous behavior patterns. In addition, the term 'reconciliation' has different meanings on the Austrian and the Czech sides. In Czech, it means rather a compromise and settlement with legal consequences. In German, however, the word 'Versoehnung' has, in addition to its ethical connotation, also a religious aspect meaning symbolical sacrifice. Thus, the act of 'Versoehnung' means a return to the previous friendly relations, but with the reservation that I give up a part of my conviction and put in advance a certain dose of (conditional) trust in my counterpart. The act of reconciliation also requires creation of a common symbolical intermediate space that must be respected by both sides and that serves as a space of mutual remembrance, while the remembrance must be a dialog, not only an intellectual explanation of (and sometimes a dispute over) symbols and meanings.
EN
This study deals with dissonant memory processes through the example of post-war displacements of population – 1) voluntary (re)emigration of Czechs from Yugoslavia, who replaced the original German population in the Czechoslovak borderlands, and immanently also 2) of those forcibly displaced “silenced Others”. The text observes the practice of silencing inconvenient memories and shows, through the example of the participants in the post-war (re)emigration to Czechoslovakia, how this complex memory legacy is approached. Taking Czech families displaced from Yugoslavia as an example, the research on the generational transmission of family memory offers replies through the identification of narrative strategies which they used and which lead to their cumulative victimization. This practice demonstrates historical implications – power dynamics reflecting the complex stage of the post-war social, cultural and political development in Czechoslovakia. I believe that considering historical implications allows us to problematize the established unproductive binary oppositions and analytical categories (perpetrators vs. victims; voluntary vs. forced migration), and last but not least, it suggests possible ways of bringing the silenced memory of those forcibly displaced – the “silenced Others” to mind.
EN
This article aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on the concept of a group as it is understood within the social sciences. The paper investigates how the living conditions created by organizations influence mutual relationships among Czech and Slovak migrants in London. Concerning particular way of accommodation (share houses) and virtual space, it is argued that organizations play a significant role in the constitution of a common 'Czecho-Slovakian' community through their marketing strategies. Sharing living and working spaces, Czechs and Slovaks have an opportunity to know each other and to establish close relationships without accentuating their ethnic affiliation. Although in the certain situations the ethnic schema is activated, the authoress of the study suggests that the life style of the migrants plays more significant role then their ethnic belonging in the formation of the personal relationships.
EN
Czechoslovak emigration in Yugoslavia in 1939 – 1941 is a complex topic exceeding to several other issues. Operation of this Balkan emigration route was mostly influenced by the Belgrade headquarters of Czechoslovak resistance movement, which was responsible for care for emigrants and organization of transports. Total number of Czechoslovak citizens emigrated by the organized transports via Yugoslavia in this period reaches to 2000. The situation in Belgrade headquarters was marked by several conflicts inside the resistance movement, both, between Hodža and Beneš fraction and between military and civil part of resistance. As we mentioned in the case of Dr. Rudinský, the Belgrade headquarters had indirect influence on the development of situation in Western European resistance movement by a different approach to arrangement of the necessary travel documents – while Beneš supporters usually reached Western Europe in relatively short time, Some Hodža supporters did not reached it at all. The cooperation of the local Czech and Slovak minority and its institutions, especially the “Czechoslovak union in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia”, was important for the activity of the resistance headquarters. Ján Bulík was the most involved person in the resistance activities among the Czechoslovak diaspora, being an important representative of Vojvodina Slovaks in the thirties of the 20th century. Special attention is to be paid to the emigration of Czechoslovak Jews, which was carried out by both, individual and mass transports. The most influential factor of the operation of the resistance headquarters was the position of Yugoslavian state authorities, which was changing in time. The authorities were tolerant, even hidden helpful in the early phase, but they were forced to harder actions after the fall of France, which led to a strong diminution of the resistance activity and departure of many resistance members and emigrants. In the late phase, the Czechoslovak emigration community in Yugoslavia consisted mostly of the military intelligence group operatives, which were in the contact with Yugoslavian general staff and departed Yugoslavia only during its fall in April 1941.
EN
The article examines cross-cultural differences encountered in the cognitive processing of specific cartographic stimuli. We conducted a comparative experimental study on 98 participants from two different cultures, the first group comprising Czechs (N = 53) and the second group comprising Chinese (N = 22) and Taiwanese (N = 23). The findings suggested that the Central European participants were less collectivistic, used similar cognitive style and categorized multivariate point symbols on a map more analytically than the Asian participants. The findings indicated that culture indeed influenced human perception and cognition of spatial information. The entire research model was also verified at an individual level through structural equation modelling (SEM). Path analysis suggested that individualism and collectivism was a weak predictor of the analytic/holistic cognitive style. Path analysis also showed that cognitive style considerably predicted categorization in map point symbols.
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