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EN
The subject of consideration is the issue of graphic reflection of the nature of Roman citizen in the images placed at the reverse of Roman coins. The citizen's duties, his privileges as well as his civic activity were depicted at these coins through a filter of the omnipresenet in the circles of central and local authorities socio-political ideolog, influencing the content of iconography of the empire and provincial mintage. Such a perspective allows to emphasize the role of numismatic sources in the recognition of declared, not factual, place of the citizen in the Roman state at the time of Empire. It furthers induces reflection over self-identification of the ancient as citizen as well as over the relationship between the subjects and the Emperor. The mintage at Caracalla times serves as a pretext to make generalizations and summaries which botj concern wider time period of the first centuries of the Empire.
EN
When relations of citizenship are regulated, it is very important to assess new actual situations, as well as the latest needs of society and the state and to react to them adequately. It is important that the Law on Citizenship defines which persons are citizens of the Republic of Lithuania, and in what situations a citizen of the Republic of Lithuania may be also a citizen of another state, since citizenship is not only a formal legal category, but it is also always inseparably related with the issues of sovereignty, national identity, political order, and the rights and freedoms of persons. While regulating the citizenship relations from the restoration of the State of Lithuania in 1918, the view was upheld that, as a rule, a citizen of Lithuania may not also be a citizen of another state at the same time, and that dual citizenship was allowed only in individual cases established in the law. The development of legislative regulation of citizenship after the 1992 Constitution entered into effect shows that legislation gradually widened the circle of persons who were allowed to be citizens of the Republic of Lithuania and of another state at the same time. In 2006, when a legal dispute arose regarding the compliance of some provisions of the Law on Citizenship with the Constitution, the Law on Citizenship used to contain the legal regulation whereby the absolute majority of citizens of the Republic of Lithuania, regardless of where they lived - in Lithuania or another foreign state - were allowed to be citizens of another state at the same time as well. By its ruling of 13 November 2006, the Constitutional Court recognised such legal regulation as being in conflict with the Constitution. If the legislator were really committed to following the provision that dual citizenship may be a widespread phenomenon - and this would be so if, alongside the cases specified in the draft Law on Citizenship, one would provide that also the persons who left Lithuania after 11 March 1990 are allowed to have dual citizenship-it would be necessary to correspondingly amend the provisions of Article 12 of the Constitution. This can be done by referendum only. No matter how the legislative regulation of the relations of citizenship of the Republic of Lithuania will be amended in the future, one must pay heed to the provisions of the Constitution, including those which entrench equality of rights of all persons and non-discrimination on grounds of ethnicity.
EN
Citizenship is the status of being a legal member of a state, having been recognized by the law and custom of such state, whereby citizens owe allegiance to the state (coun-try) and in turn been protected by the state. Nevertheless, for citizens to owe allegiance to their states implies that such citizens is patriotic and also ready to take up their constitutional rolls or duties to the betterment of the state, and in return enjoys the fundamental human rights, citizen’s liberty and protection from their states (country). However, for citizens to know their rights, duties and obligations, and for them to be able to participate actively in their countries political decision making (supporting and criticizing government policies) that will leads to a robust public and foreign policy of their country, then, such citizens need to be politically educated through citizenship education, because Citizenship education breeds active democratic citizen-ry. This article titled citizenship and citizenship education: A determinant of good governance examined the importance of citizenship education and how it can breed active democratic citizenry that can enhance good governance in the state. This article employs the interview as a tool for data collection, and also applied the secondary source of Data collections by retrieving valuable information’s from ready-made works of scholars to buttress the argument of this work. The paper finds out that there is a positive correlation between citizenship education and active democratic citizen-ry. This article finally recommends that extensive citizenship education will serve as a veritable tool for good governance and National development. However, the paper recommends that citizenship education is a must and a child of necessity, a policy to be adopted by all government. Citizenship, Active Citizenry, Citizenship Education, Good governance, Citizens Obywatelstwo to status prawnego członka państwa, które zostało uznane przez prawo i zwyczaje tego państwa, zgodnie z którym obywatele są zobowiązani do wierności państwu i są z kolei chronieni przez to państwo. Niemniej jednak zawdzięczanie obywatelom wierności swoim państwom oznacza, że są oni patriotami, a także są gotowi do podjęcia swoich konstytucyjnych list lub obowiązków na rzecz poprawy państwa, a w zamian korzystają z podstawowych praw człowieka, wolności obywatelskiej i ochrony ze strony swoich państw. Jednakże, aby obywatele znali swoje prawa, obowiązki i obowiązki oraz aby mogli aktywnie uczestniczyć w podejmowaniu decyzji politycznych w ich krajach (wspieranie i krytykowanie polityki rządowej), co doprowadzi do solidnej polityki publicznej i zagranicznej ich kraju, wówczas takich obywateli należy kształcić politycznie poprzez edukację obywatelską, ponieważ edukacja obywatelska rodzi aktywne, demokratyczne społeczeństwo. W artykule zatytułowanym „Obywatelstwo i edukacja obywatelska: wyznacznik dobrego rządzenia” zbadano znaczenie edukacji obywatelskiej oraz sposób, w jaki może ona wyhodować aktywnych demokratycznych obywateli, którzy mogą wzmocnić dobre rządy w państwie. W artykule wykorzystano wywiad jako narzędzie do zbierania danych, a także wykorzystano wtórne źródło zbiorów danych, pobierając cenne informacje z gotowych prac naukowców, aby wzmocnić argumentację tej pracy. W artykule stwierdzono, że istnieje pozytywna korelacja między edukacją obywatelską a aktywnym obywatelstwem demokratycznym. W artykule zaleca się, aby obszerna edukacja obywatelska posłużyła jako prawdziwe narzędzie dobrego rządzenia i rozwoju narodowego. Jednak w artykule zaleca się, aby edukacja obywatelska była koniecznością i dzieckiem z konieczności, polityką, którą powinien przyjąć cały rząd. Obywatelstwo, aktywność obywatelska, edukacja obywatelska, dobre rządy, obywatele
EN
The study deals with some issues pertaining to the Czechoslovak citizenship of army employees after the country‘s founding in 1918. Due to Czechoslovakia achieving independence, some persons gained foreign status overnight, despite living and working in the Czech lands for decades. Some of them included former employees of the Austrian-Hungarian armed forces, whose lack of Czechoslovak citizenship prevented them from serving in the newlyformed Czechoslovak army and could not claim for various financial benefits for which they would otherwise be eligible owing to their previous service. Therefore, some of the military employees sought to gain Czechoslovak citizenship. Their applications were decided by lower-tier political authorities. A number of these applicants were ultimately unsuccessful. This was chiefly caused by the fact that Czechoslovakian authorities would have to compensate them, which would put a strain on the country‘s budget.
EN
Critical thinking, media literacy (MIL) and digital and creative competencies are essential for young people to thrive. School can play a fundamental role in raising awareness towards conscientious and creative media usage, particularly considering today’s adolescents – Gen Z. This is not only the generation most exposed to online contents, but also the one that makes the most use of mobile media to connect, learn, express and actively engage in causes. This research conducted media production activities based on secondary school curricula to explore and promote discussions about citizenship and MIL topics. Digital narratives (DNs) creation activities were co-designed with teachers of various subjects and carried out in two Portuguese schools, involving about 190 students aged between 15 and 18. The results of the exploratory questionnaire to students and the DNs’ content analysis point out that the creation of DNs acts as a lever to promote discussions about citizenship in formal settings and that, despite difficulties related to tools and basic literacies, students appreciate activities that engage them in critical reflection and transformative learning. However, the findings suggest that young people don’t believe that using these languages contributes to making a change or to their voices being heard by adults and institutions.
EN
This paper presents findings from a joint project supported by the British Academy and the Academies of Science of Hungary and Slovenia. The research aimed to identify similarities and differences between the ways in which teachers (of primary and secondary age children) in the three countries constructed and understood the terms ‘citizenship’, enterprise’, ‘cooperation’ and ‘competition’. Concepts associated by teachers with each of the four words have been analysed using the Associative Group Analysis technique (AGA), and this paper is based on our analysis of the responses given to the first two of these terms. AGA has normally been used to contrast two populations: this paper demonstrates a novel way to show a three-way relationship. There are significant differences between the different countries, and to a lesser extent between primary and secondary teachers within each country. ‘Citizenship’ in particular is clearly perceived very differently by the English teachers, who stress words that can be categorised as indicating pro-social behaviour, a sense of rights and duties, being part of a community and being linked to education. These categories were relatively infrequently mentioned by Hungarian or Slovene teachers, who tended instead to stress aspects referring to the specific nation, and legal or institutional terms (which were much less frequently mentioned by the English teachers). These results are analysed in terms of different histories, cultural patterns and trajectories, and there is a brief discussion on the implications for the practice and training of teachers.
EN
This paper identifies and synthetically demonstrates the most important steps and changes in the evolution of the idea and institution of citizenship in Europe over more than two thousand years. Citizenship is one of the essential categories defining human status. From a historical perspective, the idea of citizenship in Europe is in a state of constant evolution. Therefore, the essence of the institution of citizenship and its acquisition criteria are continually being transformed. Today's comprehension of citizenship is different from understanding citizenship in Europe in earlier epochs of history. In some of them, the concept of citizenship existed only in the realm of ideas. In others, the idea materialised, and membership in the state (or city) and civic rights and obligations found a formal, legal expression. The formation of the idea and institution of citizenship is a long and multi-phase process.
EN
Since the Polish accession to the European Union some important changes in the situation on the Polish and foreign labor market have been observed. Changes in employment in Poland and abroad have been observed among the Polish population, but also among the population, which have Polish and German citizenship due to historical factors. Thus, in an article on the basis of studies there is presented findings on the changes relating to employment in Poland and abroad in the period 2004-2010 among population with dual citizenship living in the Opole Voivodeship. Presentation of the results was also taking into account the gender and age of the study population.
EN
This inquiry attempts to address the question: How has the Singapore city-state used its education system in integrating three important cornerstones of nation-building? Using selected data from the National Orientations of Singaporeans Survey complemented by policy documents, this article explores three specific questions: (1) How is citizenship education pursued? (2) How is national identity forged? And (3) How is political socialization engendered? The inquiry concludes with challenges that the Singapore education system faces as it tries to address its nation-building project
PL
Artykuł opisuje narracyjne konstruowanie tożsamości przez osiadłych w Polsce wieloletnich imigrantów, którzy spełniają kryteria naturalizacji, ale nie chcą starać się o obywatelstwo państwa przyjmującego. Wśród przyczyn rezygnacji z polskiego obywatelstwa najczęściej wymieniają uzyskanie statusu pośredniego (karty stałego pobytu), a także zakaz posiadania podwójnego obywatelstwa w państwie pochodzenia oraz trudności biurokratyczne towarzyszące naturalizacji w Polsce. Nie wyklucza to jednak nowej tożsamości narodowej związanej z krajem przyjmującym. Status i doświadczenia biograficzne badanych nie wspierają stabilnej, statycznej wizji przynależności narodowej. W narracjach denizenów to kompetencje kulturowe oraz okres pobytu w danym kraju ujmowane są jako czynniki kształtujące tożsamość i przywiązanie do państwa wysyłającego lub przyjmującego. Bycie na emigracji, nawet wieloletniej i osiedleńczej, oznacza jednak stałe negocjowanie pomiędzy utożsamianiem się z krajem pochodzenia a nową tożsamością wynikającą z zakorzenienia w społeczeństwie przyjmującym.
EN
The article describes narrative construction of identity by immigrants settled in Poland, who do not want to apply for citizenship of the receiving country. The reasons of their disinterest in the Polish citizenship include: obtaining an intermediate status (permanent residence), prohibition of dual citizenship in the country of origin, administrative difficulties associated with naturalisation in Poland. The lack of Polish citizenship does not exclude new national identity connected with the receiving country. Status and biographical experiences of the explored group do not support a static, stable vision of national belonging. In the denizens’ narratives, it is the cultural competences and length of stay in the country that decide about identity and connection to the sending or receiving country. Being an immigrant, even in the cases of long-term migration, means continuous negotiation between the connection with the country of origin and the new identity developed in the receiving country.
Horyzonty Polityki
|
2016
|
vol. 7
|
issue 18
73-90
EN
Research objective: The aim of the article is to analyse the thought of J.J. Rousseau and J. Madison (counted among the most prominent theorists of popular or republican government in the Eighteenth century), with a special emphasis on the issue of citizenry. The research problem and methods:  The author focuses on the relationship between the accounts of the people and the associated concepts of citizenship. He wonders whether they can provide us with any coherent vision of the citizens’ role in government or – rather – reveal serious discrepancies within a broader doctrinal tradition. To that purpose the author refers to  main works of these authors, supporting his conclusions by critical references to secondary sources, dealing especially with their views on popular sovereignty. The process of argumentation:  The article begins with the analysis of Rousseau’s thought, turning then to that of Madison. It finishes with a sort of summary, which gives an opportunity to emphasise the main similarities and – above all – differences between their arguments. Research results:  The analysis of the both authors’ thought indicates that there were at least two different views on citizenship within the Eighteenth century tradition of popular sovereignty. It points out that Rousseau viewed the common citizenry in a very active role of a sovereign, insisting on frequent assemblies of the people as a necessary means of identifying the general will. In that respect, Madison kept warning against a more direct or locally-oriented citizens’ activity, looking for such electoral and constitutional devices of majority rule that would more appropriately serve the public interest, securing the rights of minorities as well. Conclusions, innovations, recommendations: The far-reaching conclusion is that the two depicted models of citizenship reveal in fact considerably broad possibilities of defining popular sovereignty and – more specifically – the constitutional function of civic activity. The latter will be ultimately determined by assumptions of the public sphere and evaluations of the moral and political capacities of the very citizens.
PL
Cel naukowy: Celem artykułu jest analiza myśli Jean-Jacques’a Rousseau i Jamesa Madisona (zaliczanych do najbardziej znaczących teoretyków powszechnego czy też republikańskiego ustroju w XVIII wieku), ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem tematu obywatelstwa.  Problem i metody badawcze: Autor skupia się na powiązaniach między ujęciami ludu i wynikającymi z nich koncepcjami obywatelstwa. Zastanawia się czy składają się one na spójną wizję roli ustrojowej obywateli czy też – przeciwnie – ukazują one poważne rozbieżności w obrębie szerszej tradycji doktrynalnej. W tym celu sięga autor do najważniejszych prac tych pisarzy, wspierając swe wnioski krytycznymi odniesieniami do literatury sekundarnej, dotyczącej zwłaszcza ich poglądów na temat suwerenności ludu. Proces wywodu: Artykuł rozpoczyna się on analizy myśli Rousseau, przechodząc następnie do myśli Madisona. Jest on zakończony rodzajem podsumowania, które daję okazję do uchwycenia zasadniczych powiązań i – przede wszystkim – różnic między ich argumentami. Wyniki analizy naukowej: Analiza myśli obydwu autorów wykazuje, że w obrębie osiemnastowiecznej tradycji doktryny suwerenności ludu. Wykazuje ona, że Rousseau postrzegał zwykłych obywateli w kategoriach bardzo czynnego zwierzchnictwa, domagając się częstych zgromadzeń ludu, uznanych za konieczne narzędzia ujawniania woli powszechnej. W tym względzie Madison ostrzegał stanowczo przed bardziej bezpośrednią czy zorientowaną lokalnie aktywnością obywatelską, poszukując takich mechanizmów wyborczych i ustrojowych tzw. rządów większościowych, które bardziej służyłyby interesowi publicznemu, zabezpieczając jednocześnie prawa mniejszości.  Wnioski, innowacje, rekomendcje: Dalej idącym wnioskiem jest ten mianowicie, że dwa opisane modele obywatelstwa odsłaniają w istocie stosunkowo szerokie możliwości definiowania suwerenności ludu i – ściślej biorąc – roli ustrojowej aktywności obywatelskiej. Ta ostatnia będzie zależeć ostatecznie od założeń dotyczących dziedziny publicznej oraz oceny możliwości moralnych i politycznych samych obywateli.
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