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1

Wspomnienia Romana Zambrowskiego z Międzynarodowej Szkoły Leninowskiej w Moskwie (1929–1931)

100%

Szumiło M.

Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja

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2012

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issue 1

163-210

2

Wpływ fali radykalizmu społecznego lat 1917–1923 na powstania śląskie

88%

Zalega D.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2020

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issue 52

EN

The Wave of Social Radicalism and Its Impact on Silesian Uprisings, 1917–1923Three Silesian Uprisings (1919, 1920, 1921) all contributed to incorporating a portion of industrial Upper Silesia to Poland after the First World War. Until now, history has been emphasizing mostly the national nature of these upheavals. However, the revolutionary wave of between 1917 and 1923 left an enormous impact on the region, influencing the character of the aforementioned uprisings as well. Already in 1917, the Upper Silesia was witness to mass hunger strikes, and in 1918 the region became one of the important centers for the German Revolution. The Communist Party of Upper Silesia counted twenty thousand members, and its activity both affected and reflected a radicalization of sentiment in Silesian laborers. Two sides of the conflict over Silesia,the Polish and the German, both feared the communist influence, but at the same time they were forced by it to put forward more radical democratic and social slogans, as part of their propaganda. Raising of such voices was further encouraged by emergence of Workers’ Councils, by which the workers were drawn directly into the world of politics, and also by the post-war „democratization” of weaponry that led to armament of numerous worker communities.The author’s primary thesis is concerned with how the revolutionary wave influenced the character of the Silesian Uprisings – both in activity (strikes, laborer militias) as well as in dialogue (radical democratic and social slogans). This period in the Silesian history should not be reduced to a Polish-German conflict. Wpływ fali radykalizmu społecznego lat 1917–1923 na powstania śląskieTrzy powstania śląskie (1919, 1920, 1921) przyczyniły się do przyłączenia części przemysłowego Górnego Śląska do Polski po I wojnie światowej. W dotychczasowej historii podkreślano narodowy charakter tych zrywów, w których brali udział śląscy robotnicy polskiej opcji. Okazuje się jednak, że fala rewolucyjna lat 1917–1923 wywarła ogromny wpływ na ten region, w tym także na charakter wspomnianych powstań. Już w 1917 roku na Śląsku doszło do masowych protestów głodowych, a w 1918 roku region ten był jednym z ważnych ośrodków rewolucji niemieckiej. Komunistyczna Partia Górnego Śląska liczyła 20 000 członków, przede wszystkim jednak jej działalność oddziaływała na radykalizację nastrojów robotników, jak i ją też odzwierciedlała. Obie strony konfliktu o Śląsk – polska i niemiecka, obawiały się komunistów, ale też musiały pod ich wpływem wysuwać w propagandzie radykalne hasła demokratyczne i społeczne. Podnoszeniu tych haseł sprzyjały także powstające rady robotnicze, wciągające w świat polityki załogi fabryk, oraz powojenna „demokratyzacja” broni prowadząca do uzbrojenia licznych środowisk robotników.Główna teza autora dotyczy tego, że fala rewolucyjna lat 1917–1923 w ogromnym stopniu wpłynęła na charakter powstań śląskich – tak w sferze działań (strajki, bojówki robotnicze), jak i głoszonych haseł (radykalnie demokratycznych i społecznych). Tego okresu na Śląsku nie można sprowadzać wyłącznie do konfliktu polsko-niemieckiego.

3

Polish Research on the History of the Comintern: An Overview of Existing Literature and an Outline of Future Perspectives

88%

Krasucki E.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2021

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vol. 123

261-287

PL

Although Polish research on the Communist International (Comintern) history began in the interwar period, the existing literature does not constitute a highly-developed field. This becomes particularly evident when Polish studies are compared to research produced in Russia, Germany, the United States, and Italy, or even India and Korea. This state of affairs is, to some degree, a result of political conditions that influenced, and continue to influence, access to archival sources. For this reason, interest in the Comintern after 1989 closely resembles the situation in research on the history of the Communist Party of Poland (KPP), which was, after all, one of the sections of the Third International. In both cases – in research on the Comintern and on the KPP – the focus was on shedding light on historical “blind spots” rather than on developing systematic studies of political organisations. Largely thanks to Professor Jerzy W. Borejsza, improvements have become evident over the past two decades in Polish research on the Comintern and related issues. Indeed, many important case studies have emerged, although what Polish research still lacks are wide-ranging monographs and analytical syntheses. This paper offers a review of Polish historiography’s most important contributions to research on the Comintern, covering the period from the interwar era to the present. It also attempts to outline potential future perspectives in the field, including a brief overview of important international works.

4

Politika Lidové fronty a její vliv na antisystémovost KSČ

75%

Popálený P.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2019

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issue 1

31-53

EN

This article is devoted to the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the influence of the concept of the People’s Front adapted within the scope of the Communist International, and its impact on the anti-systemic attitudes of Czechoslovak communists. The theoretical starting point is Sartori’s classic theory of the anti-systemic party. Within the scope of First Republic Czechoslovakia, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia undoubtedly represented an anti-systemic party, but the attitudes and intensity of manifestations underwent a certain development. The Communist International, and its Moscow leadership had a crucial influence on the policy of Czechoslovak communists. Its individual directives and concepts fundamentally affected what happened in the party. The core policies, or more precisely starting points, included the United Front and the People’s Front. The interpretation and realization of both of these policies were accompanied by ambiguity, and often conflicting interpretations. In spite of these facts, the People’s Front meant a fundamental turnaround in many respects, but of importance was that the objective, in the form of the proletariat’s dictatorship, remained unchanged. In the 1930s, under the influence of domestic and international situations, and shielded by the policy of the People’s Front, Czechoslovak communists managed to gradually connect with a significant part of society. The reason for their success was the obscuring of anti-systemic attitudes, complemented by a populist approach, and last but not least an appeal to national sentiment. The active support for the policy of the People’s Front, and the devotion to the Communist International maintained the Moscow leadership’s favor. The future aft er World War II was proof of how effective such an approach was.

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Działalność Związku Patriotów Polskich w ZSRS w audycjach rozgłośni imienia Tadeusza Kościuszki

75%

Karolak A.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2017

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vol. 1

101-122

EN

Appraising the activity of the Union of Polish Patriots on the basis of radio broadcasts in Polish, one can come to two conclusions. First, the Union of Polish Patriots was an organization dealing with Poles and Jews staying on the territory of the Soviet Union. After the severance of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union the aforementioned organization undermined the legitimacy of the Polish government in London. It was also responsible for passing an ideological declaration, which consisted of theses relating to the post-war borders of Poland. It should be noted however, that all postulates the declaration included (inter alia the subject matter of the post-war Polish-Soviet demarcation) were in fact solutions proposed by the USSR’s authorities. The board of the Union of Polish Patriots organized in war conditions both cultural and educational life for hundreds of thousands of Polish citizens. They were provided with material being to the greatest extent possible and thanks to it countless compatriots lived through that traumatic period. Broadcasts of the Tadeusz Kosciuszko Polishlanguage radio station never misrepresented actions of the Union of Polish Patriots. It arose from the fact that the radio station was functioning and acting as propaganda of its authorities, that is the USSR.

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Rocznice „rewolucji rosyjskiej” w propagandzie władz sowieckich w latach 1933–1939

51%

Jeziorny D.

Dzieje Najnowsze

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2017

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vol. 49

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issue 4

PL

Władze Związku Sowieckiego celebrowały rozmaite rocznice w celach propagandowych. Kolejne obchody rewolucji październikowej służyły reżimowi Józefa Stalina do prezentowania treści istotnych dla jego polityki wewnętrznej i zagranicznej. Artykuł przedstawia propagandę sowiecką z okazji rocznic rewolucji w latach 1933–1939.The Soviet Union authorities celebrated various anniversaries for propaganda purposes. Successive celebrations of the “October Revolution” served Joseph Stalin’s regime to present the content important for its internal and foreign policy. The article deals with Soviet propaganda on the occasion of the revolution successive anniversaries in 1933–1939.

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1 Acta Poloniae Historica

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1 Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja

1 Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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1 Sprawy Narodowościowe

1 Jeziorny D.

1 Karolak A.

1 Krasucki E.

1 Popálený P.

1 Szumiło M.

1 Zalega D.

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