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Contributos para uma análise sintática dos objetos cognatos em PE

100%
Morgado Choupina C.
Studia Romanica Posnaniensia
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2013
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vol. 40
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issue 1
59-79
EN
The present paper aims at discussing selected syntactic aspects of cognate objects in European Portuguese, along the lines of Distributed Morphology (Haugen, 2009). Cognate objects may be readily discovered in numerous human languages, including European Portuguese (Chovia uma chuva miudinha). It is assumed in papers devoted to their English counterparts that they belong to various subclasses. Indeed, some of them are genuine cognates (to sleep a sleep...) or hyponyms (to dance a jig; Hale & Keyser, 2002). It turns out that in European Portuguese, they can be split into four different categories: (i) genuine cognate objects (chorar um choro...), (ii) similar cognate objects (dançar uma dança) (iii) objects hyponyms (dançar um tango) and (iv) prepositional cognate objects (morrer de uma morte ...). There are, then, significant differences between various classes of cognate objects: whereas the genuine ones call imperatively for a restrictive modifier and a definite article, the remaining ones admit it only optionally. It might be concluded, then, that a lexicalist theory set up along the lines of Hale and Keyser is unable to deal successfully with distributional facts proper to various classes of cognate constructions in European Portuguese. That is why the present study is conducted more in accordance with syntactic principles of Distributed Morphology, with a strong impact of hypotheses put forward by Haugen (2009).
2
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Structure constraints in Polish and English adjectival synthetic compounds

92%
Wasak S.
Linguistics Beyond and Within
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2020
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vol. 6
175-187
EN
The subject matter of this paper is the external syntax of adjectival synthetic compounds in Polish (e.g. czasochłonny, ciepłolubny, opiniotwórczy, etc.) and English (life-giving, sleep-inducing, far-reaching, etc.). The primary objective of the study is to determine whether -ny/-czy/-ły compounds in Polish and adjectival -ing compounds in English, whose heads appear to be derived from verbs, are deverbal in the sense of Distributed Morphology; that is, whether their external syntax points to the presence of complex verbal structure in their syntactic representation. It is shown that adjectival synthetic compounds in Polish and English behave in a way typical of underived adjectives, being unrestricted in the predicative position and allowing degree modification with very; as such they are not deverbal in the morphosyntactic sense with their syntactic representation lacking the functional heads vP and VoiceP found in deverbal structures. The limited productivity of adjectival synthetic compounds further contributes to their non-eventive status.
3
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How complex are deverbal nouns? Argument and event structure in synthetic -ing compounds in English

81%
Wasak S., Wasak S.
Linguistica Silesiana
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2020
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vol. 41
4
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Two Syntactic Strategies to Derive Deadjectival Nominals

70%
Alexiadou A., Iordǎchioaia G.
Anglica Wratislaviensia
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2014
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issue 52
65 - 83
EN
We investigate the morpho-syntax of three patterns of deadjectival nominals in German, Greek and Romanian. These nominals are suffix-based or zero-derived and present various crosslinguistic similarities and differences in terms of productivity, interpretation, and their choice of an argument-like genitive phrase. Suffix-based nominals (SNs) are productive and display the same morpho-syntactic properties in all languages — namely, they have a fully nominal internal syntax and realize a genitival argument. Zero-derived nominals present two different semantic instances: partitive bare nominals (PBNs) and quality bare nominals (QBNs). On the one hand, QBNs share the interpretation and the morpho-syntax of SNs in all languages, but have reduced productivity. On the other hand, PBNs are substantially more productive in German than in Greek and Romanian, a difference that associates with a strong contrast in the morpho-syntactic behavior of PBNs in the two language classes. We argue that this many-sided morpho-syntactic and semantic variation can be accounted for by the two word formation processes that Distributed Morphology makes available — word formation from roots and word formation from other words —, which successfully accommodate the correlation between the productivity and the morpho-syntactic properties of the different patterns of nominalizations.
5
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In Search of a Model for the Derivation of Dispositional and Passive Potential Adjectives Based on Participles in Irish

36%
Bloch-Trojnar M.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
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2021
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vol. 69
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issue 11
29-62
PL
W poszukiwaniu modelu derywacji odimiesłowowych przymiotników skłonnościowych oraz potencjalnych w języku irlandzkim Artykuł bada potencjał wyjaśniający dwóch separacyjnych modeli opisu językowego, tj. leksykalistycznego modelu LMBM (Lexeme Morpheme Base Morphology) oraz modelu DM (Morfologii Rozproszonej – Distributed Morphology), na podstawie analizy odimiesłowowych przymiotników skłonnościowych i potencjalnych w języku irlandzkim, które tworzy się za pomocą niezerowych wykładników morfologicznych. W modelu LMBM, w którym zjawiska leksykalne i morfo-syntaktyczne są rozdzielone, irlandzkie przymiotniki muszą być derywowane bezpośrednio od rdzenia czasownikowego lub specjalnego allomorfu rdzeniowego używanego w kontekście adjektywizacji. Pierwsze rozwiązanie pociąga za sobą zwiększenie ilości wykładników formalnych, drugie nie jest w stanie uchwycić formalnego i semantycznego związku pomiędzy ‘specjalnym’ allomorfem rdzeniowym a imiesłowem. Morfologia Rozproszona wypada lepiej, gdyż teoria ta nie nakłada ograniczeń na występowanie form fleksyjnych w strukturach przymiotnikowych. Ponadto obecność imiesłowów w strukturach przymiotnikowych znajduje potwierdzenie w testach dystrybucyjnych. Struktury te tworzą kontinuum: imiesłów – przymiotnik odimiesłowowy – przymiotnik odczasownikowy.
EN
This paper tests the explanatory potential of two competing separationist models, a lexicalist LMBM model and a constructionist DM model, in the analysis of overtly marked dispositional and passive potential adjectives based on participles in Irish. In LMBM, which upholds a strict division between lexical and morphosyntactic phenomena, Irish adjectives must be derived directly from the verbal root or a special allomorphic variant of the verbal root which is used in the context of adjectivising morphology. The first solution involves the multiplication of formal markers, the latter misses the formal and semantic relationship between the supposedly “special” verbal stem and the participle. DM fares better since there is no theoretical ban on the use of participles as bases for adjectives and the presence of participles in the structure of Irish adjectives is corroborated by distributional facts. The proposed structures form a continuum from verbal participles via adjectivised participles to deverbal adjectives.
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