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EN
The visit of the president of Russion Federation, Dmitrij Miedwiediew, to Poland on December 6 and 7, 2010 became not only an important diplomatic event, but foremost an important and major step forward to improve Polish-Russian relationships. This meeting came eight years since the visit of President Vladimir Putin in 2002. Press, radio, public and commercial television broadly high-lighted the events surrounding this visit. From a public relations perspective by objective observers this visit had almost a byzantine character. Exaggerated displays of Russian and Polish flags, broad smiles by both presidents, enthusiastic hand shaking and warm friendship to photojournalists aimed to convince the world and Polish public opinion, that Polish-Russian relations were on the doorstep of entering a new era. Statements by Polish politicians as well as many mainstream journalists, were focused on the “emotional-protocol sphere” of this visit, as well its role to neutralize in Poland the permanent “Russo phobia” or “anti-Russian stigmata”. It was also noted that contemporary Poland and Russia is bound together by gas, oil and the atom. The visit of the Russian president in Warsaw, at its conclusion, was accepted as a success by influential opinion forming circles in Warsaw whose voice is “Gazeta Wyborcza”.
EN
In contrast to his predecessor, President Dmitry Medvedev pushed Russia into a wave of socio-economic changes. His only term in the years 2008-2012 was dominated by the concept of modernization, which included democratization, market-oriented reforms, anti-corruption campaigns, and the support of civil society. Nevertheless, the results of the modernization program were modest. The present paper aims to present the cir-cumstances of the introduction of modernization, its content, criticism, and the reasons for its decay. The author argues that modernization was a personal initiative of D. Medvedev and stemmed from his preoccupations with new technologies and contemporary models of governance. At the end of D. Medvedev’s term, the concept of modernization disappeared from Russia’s public space and was replaced by a new rhetoric of “strong statehood” declared by Vladimir Putin.
EN
The article examines the issue of German-Russian relations at the level of state leaders after the end of the Cold War. These bilateral contacts involved different phases. The first phase was dominated by personalization, which was characterized by friendly relations between Helmut Kohl and Boris Yeltsin. After Gerhard Schröder took the office of chancellor, a short phase of depersonalization in the relations between Schröder and Yeltsin followed. After Vladimir Putin took power in Russia, the personalization phase returned, manifested by friendly contacts between Schröder and Putin, which ended when Angela Merkel assumed the office of chancellor. Her relations with Putin and Medvedev were of a pragmatic nature, aimed at solving current problems in international relations. The article describes the above-mentioned relations between the leaders and their influence on bilateral relations between the two states.
PL
Esej omawia program modernizacji Rosji rozpoczęty przez Dmitrija Miedwiediewa w 2009 roku, w kontekście dotychczasowych prób unowocześnienia Rosji. Przeanalizowane zostały bariery gospodarcze, polityczne i społeczne z jakimi muszą zmierzyć się rosyjscy politycy. Autor przedstawia zagadnienie odwołując się do przykładów o charakterze historycznym a także doświadczenia w reformowaniu gospodarki w pozostałych krajach BRICS. Przeprowadzona analiza prowadzi do wniosków, iż Rosja to „najbardziej nietypowy aktor” w tym klubie.
EN
The paper concerns the process of Russia modernization, implemented by Dmitry Medvedev in 2009, putting it in the context of the previous attempts at Russia modernization. I perform an analysis of the economical, political and social barriers faced by Russian politicians, supplemented by the references to historical examples and the experience of the modernization of the economy in other BRIC countries. The analysis leads to the conclusion that Russia is “the most uncharacteristic actor” in the club.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony obchodom 1150-lecia rosyjskiej państwowości, które przypadły na wrzesień 2012 r. Za punkt odniesienia dla retoryki inicjatora uroczystości, prezydenta Federacji Rosyjskiej D. Miedwiediewa, obrano liberalną publicystykę towarzyszącą pierwowzorowi jubileuszu z 1862 r. Zabieg ten podyktował fakt częstego odwoływania się przez ówczesnego przywódcę Rosji do „epoki wielkich reform” (lata 60. i 70. XIX w.). W tekście omówiony został przebieg jubileuszu oraz poświęcony mu w środkach masowej informacji przekaz medialny. Zaprezentowano również nieudaną inicjatywę ustawodawczą służącą uznaniu symbolicznej rocznicy początków Rusi za święto narodowe.
EN
The article is devoted to the subject of the 1150th anniversary of the Russian Statehood celebrated in September 2012. It was the liberal political commentary writings accompanying the original model of the jubilee celebrated in 1862 that was used as the point of reference of the rhetoric of the celebrations’ initiator, the President of Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. This made the president of Russia to refer very often to the “era of the Great Reforms” (the 1860s, and 1870s). The article describes the course of the jubilee celebrations with accompanying information campaign in the public mass media, as well as a failed legislative action to make the symbolic anniversary of the origins of the Russian Statehood a National Day.
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