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RECONCILING THE TWO WEST AFRICAS: MANAGING ETHNIC AND LINGUAL DIVERSITY FOR REGIONAL INTEGRATION

100%
Folarin S., Folarin O., Olorunyomi B.
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem
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2015
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vol. 2(5)
179-193
EN
In international politics, language is core in inter-state trust and relationship, and the West African region (or sub-region), which is multi-ethnic, culturally plural and bi- or multilingual in imported languages, may never evolve an integrated region if the diversity is not converted from source of disconnections to source of connections. At best, West Africans have regarded themselves as precolonial kinsmen but post-colonial strangers as a result of the factor of language barriers created in the years of colonial rule. The Yoruba, Ewe, Ashante, Mende, Temne and many more had similarities of languages and cultures and led a regular life of communal conflict and cooperation until the arrival of the French, English, Portuguese and Germans, who established sharp misunderstandings and divisions along the lines of European lingua franca. From a participation-observation experience and perspective, and having consulted literature and government records on futile integration efforts, the study, adopting a functionalist model for analysis, submits that the differences have led to alienation among West Africans since independence, and ECOWAS, despite its spirited commitment to regional integration by the protocol on free movement across the borders, has faced brick-walls from human and social forces engendered by language barriers. This paper looks beyond the artificial linguistic barriers inherent in the bilingual or multilingual character of West Africa, by exploring the richness of the linguistic diversity to advance the cause of regional integration. The paper strongly advocates that local languages spoken across most of the West African states such as Hausa, Mandingo, Peul and Yoruba be taught in primary and secondary schools, while ECOWAS leaders should agree on making English, French and Portuguese compulsory in all secondary schools and higher institutions in their respective countries. These will help demystify and dismantle the artificial linguistic barriers created by the accident of colonialism and make the formal and informal instruments, including ECOWAS towards integration, more functional.
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Skutki potencjalnej liberalizacji światowego handlu rolnego dla sektora rolno-żywnościowego Wspólnoty Gospodarczej Państw Afryki Zachodniej (Ecowas)

81%
Pawlak K., Kita K.
Journal of Agribusiness and Rural Development
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2014
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issue 2(32)
EN
The state of agri-food trade in two selected trade blocs from the African region was presented in the paper. Moreover, the possibilities of development of trade, production, demand and prices in agri-food sector of ECOWAS countries in view of changes caused by further liberalization of the world agricultural trade were discussed. A general equilibrium model Global Trade Analysis Project was used in the research to make the projections. The results of the analysis showed that a greater degree of liberalization of the world agricultural trade could cause an increase in the value of export and import of certain plant origin products, as well as may contribute to the decline in production and prices for these products.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono stan obrotów handlowych artykułami rolno-spo­żywczymi dwóch wybranych ugrupowań integracyjnych z regionu Afryki, a następnie, z wykorzystaniem matematycznego modelu równowagi ogólnej Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP), wykonano projekcje dotyczące możliwych scenariuszy rozwoju wymiany handlowej, zmian produkcji, popytu gospodarstw domowych i cen płaconych przez konsumentów w sektorze rolno-spożywczym Wspólnoty Gospodarczej Państw Afryki Zachodniej (ECOWAS). Rezultaty analizy dowiodły, że nasilenie tendencji liberalizacyjnych w światowym handlu rolnym może spowodować między innymi wzrost wartości eksportu i importu niektórych produktów pochodzenia roślinnego, a także przyczynić się do spadku produkcji i cen na te towary.
3
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Kryzys w Mali. Rola afrykańskich sił pokojowych AFISMA

81%
Lizak W.
Forum Politologiczne
|
2014
|
vol. 17 - Konteksty bezpieczeństwa w Afryce. Konflikty, wojny, polityki bezpieczeństwa
141-159
EN
At basis in crisis in Mali in 2012 lay Tuaregs independence aspirations. The Separatist National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad, aim at secession of northern provinces of the country, has been intensified in 2011 due to inflow for country arms and former soldiers from Libyan army. Military progress of MNLA have allowed proclamation of independence Azawad, however fundamentalist organizations have taken charge of this territory: Al-Qaeda of the Islamic Maghreb, Ansar Dine and Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO). Such evolution of situation has made a threat to the secu¬rity interests for African states as well as powers of the West. As a consequence the procedures and mechanisms were launched in support of the Government in Mali in regaining control of the northern provinces of the country. Member states of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) established operation AFISMA (African-led International Support Mission to Mali), with the support of the African Union and the United Nations. France, simultaneously, decided on military intervention in Mali (operation “Serval”). Within several weeks at the beginning of 2013 French and African combat units take control on northern Mali making impossible further expansion of fundamentalist organization, and AFISMA has taken stabilization operation next weeks. Operation lasted for half 2013, when it has been substituted by UN mission (MINUSMA).
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