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1

ORGANIZÁCIA A EXTRÉMIZMUS – AKO ORGANIZÁCIA PODMIEŇUJE NÁSILIE

100%
Grešková L.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2009
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vol. 2
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issue 2
20 – 28
EN
Globalisation of religion, on the one hand, helps establish constructive dialogue, promotes ecumenism, and supports communication between religions; on the other hand, it activates religious radicalism and extremism. Extremism is a complex problem: its origin varies and the people it involves vary even more. The most common problem when defining terrorism may be the failure to distinguish between assumed terrorist activities and other forms of threatening acts. Another mistake in defining extremism is the fact that it is often connected with one or the other side of the political battle. It is also not surprising that extremism is often identified with revolutionary opposition. This paper studies religious extremism as one of the phenomena of the new religiosity. Two basic approaches can be used to understand behaviour of terrorist organizations: instrumental approach and organizational approach. The first approach is based on the assumption that a terrorist act is a deliberate choice of a political actor. An organization as a unit seeks to achieve collective values, which include radical changes in political and social conditions. Thus, terrorism is interpreted as a response to an external stimulus, especially to a government action. The other approach is focused on internal organizational processes in a group that uses terrorism or between organizations that have similar goals. Subsequently, terrorism presents a result of an organization‘s struggle for survival, particularly in a competitive environment. An organization responds to the external pressure by changing its benefits for the members or by innovations. Therefore, terrorist acts do not always reflect ideological values of the organization directly.
2

EXTERMISM IN ANIMAL DEFENCE; THE CASE OF ANIMAL LIBERATION FRONT (Ekstremizm w obronie zwierzat - przypadek Animal Liberation Front)

100%
Posluszna E.
Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)
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2009
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issue 23
221-250
EN
The authoress of this article sets herself two goals: using the Animal Liberation Front as an example, she sets out to demonstrate the mechanisms governing the operations of the extremist wing of animal rights protection groups and to discern the factors underlying the dramatic increase in direct violence, against humans, and indirect violence, against property, which has occurred over the last twenty-five years. She is of the opinion that, given the growing trend toward decentralisation in individual organisational structures, resulting in the loss of an overriding authority and, effectively, of control over the movement, as well as the lack of philosophical and ideological checks and restraints which act as a curb against violence, what it may well come to is a significant radicalisation of acts of violence, and an explicit rejection of the ban on injuring and killing people.
3

Przewrót majowy jako etap w narastaniu w polskim życiu politycznym tendencji skrajnych

100%
Kawalec K.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
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2011
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vol. 33
209-226
EN
In contrast to the reality of totalitarian dictatorships, Piłsudski and his collaborators did not outlaw their political opposition. Nevertheless, the latter lost the possibility of returning to political power through elections; besides, the ruling regime which was based mainly on the military and bureaucratic forces attempted to make life difficult for political parties it considered adversarial by applying various tools of harassment, the oppressiveness of which was gradually increasing. Not all the nuances of the changed circumstances were instantly visible. The election of 1928, and later of 1930, demonstrated the efficiency of administrative pressures (and sometimes of ordinary falsifying of the results); in 1930 it turned out that the authorities did not hesitate to direct progressively harsher administrative repressions against energetic opposition activists. Plagued by organizational splits which were initiated either by the people of pro-government orientation or by the followers of political extremism, feeling the consequences of the withdrawal of people dependent upon the state (public school teachers, offi cials, etc.) from political activity, the opposition parties closed their ranks and tightened their organizational structures. In the impoverished country with underdeveloped labor market the youth understandably constituted a growing group of dissatisfied citizens. Unable to perceive any prospects for themselves, they naturally turned to the opposition for which the youth’s energy and radicalism provided obvious opportunities. The youth participation made its impression upon the activities of all political movements. Generally speaking, young people were very much skeptical about parliamentarianism, seeing the Sejm as a basically powerless institution constantly dismissed by the government camp’s propaganda. They also did not possess personal experiences which might have helped them develop different sensibilities. On the inside of the respective parties, the youth’s position was quickly gaining more strength; the parliamentary activists who dominated before 1926 were often incapable of adapting to the altered rules of political game. Their dependence on the parliamentary rostrum which was constantly losing significance led to their marginalization, especially after 1935 when the altered Electoral Bill deprived the opposition parties of the possibility to participate in the elections. This occurrence deepened the scale of processes happening inside the parties, accelerated the personal changes in their leadership and forced them to modify their tactics. The characteristic occurrence, observable in the activity of all political circles, was a growing ideologization of their practices and programs. It was partly a consequence of relegating the parties to the opposition role and of depriving them of contact with practical politics, partly a result of the need to provide people with powerful motivation to participate in politics under difficult conditions when engagement in political life on the side of particular parties might have caused them grave complications in everyday life. The costs of the above-mentioned changes which were somewhat justified by the political situation in which political groups threatened by the post-May regime had found themselves were nevertheless significant. Severe internal antagonisms — which constituted one of the biggest dangers to the Polish model of democracy before 1926 — increased even more due to the adoption of aggressive methods of operation, to struggles to attain more influence and to the growing ideologization. If we treat “sanacja” proclaimed after 1926 in medical categories as an antidote aimed to eliminate many frailties and defects present in Polish political life, the applied cure proved counterproductive. Not only did it not cure, but it caused even more harm. However, it needs to be pointed out that its detrimental effects were limited: the prominent political groups retained their capability to participate in the democratic order which was confirmed by their future behavior, under incomparably more difficult conditions.
4
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RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN CONTEMPORARY EUROPE: AN OVERVIEW

100%
Wojciechowski S.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2005
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issue 27
129-136
EN
The article examines right-wing extremism, which is regarded as one of the major problems facing Europe today. First, issues connected with the terminology and classification of radical political parties, their leaders, and members are discussed. Substantial attention is devoted to the origin and scope of the phenomena in contemporary European countries. The author next discuses a variety of means for preventing political extremism. Special attention is also devoted to the transformation of extremism, as well as to its specific features and diversity in individual countries. The author describes specific characteristics of those groups of right-wing electorates which support and vote for radical parties in election campaigns.
5

K TRESTNOSTI PRECHOVÁVANIA EXTRÉMISTICKÉHO MATERIÁLU PODĽA § 422C TRESTNÉHO ZÁKONA

88%
Honz T., Kováč P.
Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)
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2022
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vol. 105
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issue 4
327 – 341
EN
The exercise of freedom of expression includes freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers. However, the exercise of freedoms in the democratic society may be subject to conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law to protect national security, territorial integrity or public safety or for the prevention of disorder or crime. The authors present their arguments for the maintaining the criminalization of extremist material possession and criminal offense of possession of extremist material pursuant to section 422c of the Criminal Code. Preservation of extremist material confirms the perpetrator the extremist ideas are correct and may incite further extremist crime. By analysing the extremist hatred and presenting specific court decisions the authors propose to retain the status quo.
6

TEORETICKÉ VÝCHODISKÁ KONCEPTU MILITANTNEJ DEMOKRACIE

88%
Puškárová E.
Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)
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2016
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vol. 99
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issue 4
331 – 352
EN
It seems that suppression of the Fascism, Nazi regime and the retreat of the Communist ideology did not bring safety to the democracy. Nowadays, democracy has to repeatedly challenge the threats of the extremism, radicalism and terrorism. In order to become self-defending, democratic states adopt various democratic measures resulting in the limitation of the democratic rights and freedoms. The question remains as to under what conditions the democracy can defend itself without destroying owns democratic pillars that would result in loss of its own democratic identity. This question has been subject of the vivid interest of the comparative constitutional law and political science since the fascists seized the political power in the 20th century. In the Slovak conditions, this subject has not been brought to the sufficient attention however the peril of extremism and radicalism cannot be neglected in the Slovak society mainly at present when parliamentary mandates has been gained also by the political party publicly marked to be extremist one. Regarding the absence of necessary legal research within Slovakia, the paper aims to design the concept of the militant democracy in respect of the different approaches among European and American scholars with focus to the identification of militant measures and strategies used by democracies against those striving for destruction of the democratic principles.
7
Content available remote

„OSTROVY DEVIACE“ V POPULISTICKÉ RÉTORICE MILOŠE ZEMANA

75%
Naxera V., Krčál P.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2020
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vol. 52
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issue 1
82 – 99
EN
This text contributes to current discussion related to political populism. From Zeman's inauguration speech, we deduced three thematic areas (corruption, extremism and media). Based on these issues and using CAQDAS, we examined the correlation between Zeman's rhetoric and theoretical framework of populism. The dataset for our analysis consists of whole Zeman's textual production during his first presidential term. Our effort was focused on how Miloš Zeman creates basic elements of populism (the people, the elites, the others) in relation to corruption, extremism, and media. Our analysis has shown that some basic principles of political populism have been frequently present in his speeches. Contrary to some other quite often cases of overusing of the concept of populism and using this concept without any proper empirical evidence, the main goal of our article was (based on the transparently explained theoretical and methodological framework) to clearly show that Miloš Zeman is populist. Our research can be used as a standpoint for broader comparative research of populism.
8

EXTRÉMISTICKÁ SCÉNA V SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKE A SÚČASNÉ TRENDY

63%
Kurilovská L., Šišulák S.
Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)
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2016
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vol. 99
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issue 5
401 – 420
EN
The professional article focuses on current trends and development of the extremist scene in the Slovak Republic, and indicates the strategy of the government of the Slovak Republic on how to combat such negative social occurrences. The authors characterize the left extremism in the Slovak Republic and its close links to social and class prejudices. Taking into consideration important past events, the authors analyse right extremism from the view of the history. They give their view to the significant and typical sign of left extremism as disseminating the principle of equality and cohesions, what has an impact on all spheres of life of citizens of the Slovak Republic. Such influences result in bad social consequences which are contrary to the nature of the state under rules of law. The authors describe the primary idea of the current anarchism, as well as anarchistic groups in the Slovak Republic and their activities. A separate part is dedicated to basic priorities, which are practical counter-extremism activities and steps by the Ministry of the Interior of the Slovak Republic and the Police Force carried out to fulfil the tasks defined in the Concept of Measures to Combat Extremism in the Slovak Republic and in the Action Plan for Preventing and Eliminating Racism, Anti-Semitism And Other Forms of Intolerance. At the conclusion, there are outlined possibilities of how to improve and develop prevention in combating extremism in the Slovak Republic.
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