Search results - CEJSH

1

HAVE FINLAND ALREADY TACKLED THE NEW SOCIAL RISKS?

100%

Kallioma-Puha L.

Polityka Społeczna

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2013

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vol. 40

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issue 1(9) ENG "OLD" AND "NEW" SOCIAL RISKS

36-40

EN

When analyzing „old” and „new” social risks many authors claim countries differ in terms of efficiency in addressing those risks. Scandinavian countries (representing social democratic model according to Gosta Esping Andersen typology) are generally considered, more than others, efficient in this respect. However they still face social risks and their social institutions are not perfect. To this end new concept of “new new” social risks has been introduced. Finland is one example of countries trying to address those risks. Among others, new technics of distribution of social benefits in this country may be considered as creating “new new” social risks.

2

‘Sometimes It Feels Like Every Word Is a Lie’: Media Use and Social (In)Security Among Finnish Russian-Speakers

80%

Sotkasiira T.

Central and Eastern European Migration Review

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2018

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vol. 7

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issue 1

109-127

EN

This article examines the connection between media use and social in/security from the perspective of Finnish Russian-speakers. Based on 25 interviews conducted in Finland in 2015–2016, it analyses the ways in which people in conflict situations mitigate social risks and attempt to produce security by governing their use of the media. Drawing from von Benda-Beckmann and von Benda-Beckmann’s work on social security, the article argues that security studies ought to include transnational media use in their scope and broaden the emphasis towards the social and societal aspects of threat and insecurity. Furthermore, it explains how, in times of conflict, transnational media may turn into a digitalised ‘war zone’ with alarming consequences on the identification and social security of their audiences.

3

Międzynarodowa konkurencyjność gospodarki fińskiej w świetle międzynarodowych rankingów i ekonomicznych rekomendacji OECD

80%

Kościewicz D.

Ekonomia XXI Wieku

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2015

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issue 2 (6)

95-105

EN

The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the changes of competitive position of Finland, in the light of a few main rankings of international competitiveness and innovation of national economies. The paper uses the terms of competitive position and competitive ability, to discuss both the state of Finnish competitiveness, and the perspectives of its improvement. The chosen rankings are The Global Competitiveness Report published annually by World Economic Forum (WEF), The World Competitiveness Yearbook made by analytics from International Institute for Management Development (IMD) in Lausanne, and Innovation Union Scorecard, made under the auspices of the European Commission (EC). The three rankings are complementary, because they treat the issue of competitiveness from a diffent point of view. In the artice there was used OECD report Economic Surveys: Finland 2014, to compare the assessments and recommendations for Finland with the previously desribed issue of competitiveness (following the WEF methodology) and the changes of competitive position of Finnish economy in the years 2009-2014. The WEF ranking metho-lodogy, based on 12 pillars of competitiveness, is compared to economic recommendations of OECD for Finland, to indicate recommendations that are the most important for the improvements of the Finnish competitive ability. The article ends with the following conlusions: in the years 2009-2014 Finland sustained a high competitive position, the main engine of Finnish competitiveness is innovation, Poland should learn from the Finnish example how to improve international competitveness by developing economy based on knowledge and innovation.

4

‘I am not Spending on my Appearance’! Examining Self-Evaluated Low-Level Consumers of Clothing and Beauty Care in Finland, 1999–2009

80%

Sarpila O.

International Review of Social Research

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2012

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vol. 2

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issue 2

53-72

EN

The purpose of this study is to analyse consumers whose identity is not based on appearance-related consumption, but who want distance themselves from consumers willing to spend on physical appearance. The article examines importance of gender, age and place of residence in explaining self-evaluated low-level consumption of beauty care and clothing, and how the proportions of these consumers have changed between socio-demographic groups. The data consists of three cross-sectional consumption and lifestyle surveys collected in 1999 (N = 2 417), 2004 (N = 3 574) and 2009 (N = 1 202). The results suggest that a significant part of Finnish consumers do not consider beauty care or clothing consumption to be a part of their identity. The results indicate some temporal changes in Finnish consumers’ beauty care consumption evaluations. It seems that gender differences have been relatively stable, whereas disparities between consumers of different ages as well as urban and rural consumers have diminished.

5

NETWORK GOVERNANCE W FIŃSKIM SAMORZĄDZIE TERYTORIALNYM: NATURALNY STAN RZECZY CZY WYZWANIE DLA LOKALNEJ DEMOKRACJI?

80%

Radzik - Maruszak K.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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issue 3(14)

18-32 (15)

EN

The main aim of the article is to present the practice of network governance concept in Finnish local government and its impact on local democracy, including the role played by elected representatives. The main hypothesis of the study implies that the idea of network governing, not only forces municipal councils to redefine their roles, but also reduces the scope of their responsibilities and limits the level of accountability. The study is based on empirical research conducted in 22 municipalities located in Pirkanmaa Region, Southern Finland in Spring 2015. The results of the research indicate that although network governance easily fits into Finnish local government, the concept brings many challenges. One of the most important challenges is the necessity to strengthen the say of elected representatives, presently perceived with regard to governing process mainly as rubber-stamp councils.

6

State Aid Trends in Poland and Finland - Similarities and Differences

80%

Ambroziak A. A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 4

217-232

EN

State aid is one of the financial instruments available to EU member states for intervention in domestic markets. On the one hand its use is prohibited by Article 107(1) TFEU, but on the other hand there are many exemptions, including regional and horizontal state aid. Given the centralised system for State aid in the EU, one could expect that the volume and structure in terms of forms and purposes of public aid granted should be similar from one member state to the next. Considering the diversity among what are now 27 member states, both from the perspective of experience in managing the economy and the directions of its development, the objective of this article is to capture and evaluate the similarities and differences in the approach taken to State aid as an instrument of intervention in two relatively different countries - Poland and Finland. To this end the comparative analysis will not only cover Poland and Finland themselves but also their respective groups of countries - the Visegrád Group and Scandinavian members of the EU. The above analysis permits the conclusion that the structure of public aid relative to the main purposes of granting differs significantly between Poland and Finland, in favour of Finland, from the perspective of the achievement of the EU objectives associated with the successive economic strategies.

7

Finland in the Mediterranean

80%

Melasuo T.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 4

129-147

EN

This article aimes to shed light on the rich, but rather enigmatic relationship between Finland and the Mediterranean world. These interactions have been approached since Antiquity, but this paper's focus has been on 19th and 20th centuries and especially on the last three decades. About thirty years ago, when Finland was preparing itself to join the European Union, it also had to build up a real Mediterranean policy of its own. It was in the Corfu European Council in June 1994 when the then-president realised that the country needed such a policy. Thus, in 1995, when Finland joined the EU, it also participated in the Barcelona Euro-Mediterranean Conference and signed the Barcelona Declaration that established the Barcelona Process forming the structures for European Union cooperation with the southern and eastern Mediterranean countries. The participation into this structural process was felt important for Finland mainly for two reasons. Firstly, the country wanted to be a full and active member of the EU and thus contribute to every field of activity that are important for the union. Secondly, we Finns realised that if we wanted the southern European countries to understand and to cooperate with our own ambitions in the northern part of Europe, we needed to show solidarity towards the aims and needs of our southern partners in the Mediterranean. All this resulted in Finland being surprisingly active in all Euro-Mediterranean cooperation environments. This concerned not only official state activities, but also other public sectors as well as civil society actors and NGOs. These EuroMediterranean activities became so many and so multiform that we can deal only with a few of them here as examples.

8

Wolność słowa a kultura polityczna w państwach nordyckich. Analiza przypadku nacisków premiera na media publiczne w Finlandii

80%

Chacińska M.

Political Preferences

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2017

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issue 16

17-36

EN

Nordic countries have been on top of transparency and freedom of expression indexes for years. Denmark topped Transparency International list for 2016 while Finland took first place on World Press Freedom Index 2017. However, it does not mean that Nordic politicians never try to interfere with media content. The purpose of this article is the analysis of pressure that politicians put on Nordic public service media. Serving as a showcase are the events that have recently taken place in Finland. Some elements of the Nordic political culture are also presented, as they can influence the society’s perception of political pressure on media.

9

Characters of Innovation Management in the Primary Health Care Centers

80%

Aslani A., Naaranoja M.

Organizacija

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2013

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vol. 46

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issue 3

108-114

EN

Innovation management in the primary health care centers is one of the important debates among the governments and academic forums. Although the number of studies in the field of innovation in health care sectors has increased over the last 10 years, little is known about the conditions for the successful implementation of innovations in the health care centers. In this paper, we review and assess the situation of Finnish health care centers from innovation management viewpoint. We try to answer one of the important questions designed by policy makers: “How can Finnish health care centers move toward systems that continuously improve their innovation and creativity?” The presented framework describes the main characters and dimensions of diffusion of ideation and innovation in the health care centers.

10

Hare Krishna Soomes. Uleilmse hinduistliku uususundilise liikumise kultuuriline adaptatsioon

80%

Ketola K.

Mäetagused

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2011

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vol. 49

153-170

EN

The Finnish theology has been focused on the new religious movements and other religious minorities for a while. It has mostly been studied what kind of factors make the modernised Western people sensitive to foreign religions. The author discusses the problems related to the studies of the international new religious movements based on the fieldworks from years 1977 until 1999 concentrating on the Krishna movement in Finland. He finds that the increasing pluralism in the Western societies has reduced the tension between the minorities and dominating culture. The Krishna movement does not meet halfway in its theological and cultural position but admits that the strategies of preaching must further concentrate on a more gentle approach and the ways of cooperation with non-members should be found on a more neutral basis.

11

Finland’s readiness for comprehensive national defence

80%

Grzela J.

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2022

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vol. XLVIII

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issue 3

211-221

EN

Finland has long been following the comprehensive security strategy creating a network of cooperation between authorities, businesses, organisations, and citizens. Its comprehensive approach to providing the population’s security is viewed as a model for Europe. Finland has become the leader in building national preparedness for contemporary challenges and threats. This preparedness is more than an approach, it is also an ability fostered by the whole society. Most importantly, such an approach is widely supported in society. This comprehensive approach to security makes it possible to maintain social functions, promote the well-being and security of citizens, and protect the nation’s independence. The aim of the article is to present the concept of national preparedness and to analyse practical ways of achieving comprehensive security in Finland.

12

Sacral Architecture in Finland and its Community Forming Role

70%

Kowalczyk M. W., Lewandowska A.

Journal of Education Culture and Society

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2022

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vol. 13

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issue 2

587-600

EN

Aim. The subject of this article is the role of the Finnish Church institution and its influence on shaping the local community. The article presents the possibilities of using and shaping the interiors of temples, depending on the period in which they were created and the function they were to perform. Methods. The authors of the article present the role of Church institution in Finland from the Middle Ages to the present day. The historical educational role of the church and its contemporary community-building function will be outlined. The authors will also present how these assumptions translate into shaping its architecture. Results and conclusion. Despite the considerable secularization of society, the Protestant church in Finland still plays a central role in the local community. The church, with its dominant and educational role in the past, became a companion of the inhabitants, providing them with spaces adapted to their needs, regardless of their age or religion. Once limited, single-space forms of temples, today with an extensive program function as local cultural centers and meeting places adapted to the needs of their users.

13

Canons and Heroes: The Reception of the Complete Works Translation Project in Finland, 2002-13

70%

Keinänen N.

Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance

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2017

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vol. 16

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issue 31

109-125

EN

This essay examines the reception of the ten-year Complete Works translation project undertaken by the Finnish publishing company Werner Söderström Oy (WSOY) in 2004-13. Focusing on reviews published in the first and last years of the project, the essay details ongoing processes of Shakespeare (re-)canonization in Finland, as each new generation explains to itself what Shakespeare means to them, and why it continues to read, translate and perform Shakespeare. These processes are visible in comments from the series editors and translators extolling the importance of Shakespeare’s work and the necessity of creating new, modern translations so Finns can read Shakespeare in their mother tongue; in discussions of the literary qualities of a good Shakespeare translation, e.g. whether it is advisable to use iambic pentameter in Finnish, a trochaic language; and in the creation of publisher and translator “heroes,” who at significant cost to themselves, whether in money in terms of the publisher, or time and effort in terms of the translators, labour to provide the public with their Shakespeare in modern Finnish. While on the whole reviewers celebrated the new translations, there was some resistance to changes in familiar lines from older translations, such as Macbeth’s “tomorrow” speech, suggesting that there are nevertheless some limits on modernizing “classic” translations.

14

Are the High Scores in the PISA Tests an Educational Success in Finland?

70%

Banasiak M.

Kultura i Edukacja

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2015

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issue 2(108)

63-79

EN

The purpose of this article is to look closer at the educational system in Finland and to consider it in terms of its educational success. It analyses historical aspects, teaching methods, cooperation between family and school, the material status. These considerations will be enriched by the practical experience gained during a study visit to Jyväskylä College of Education, a vocational secondary school in Jyvaskyla.

15

It Is About Protection. Defence in Finland's Steps to NATO

70%

Nokkala A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 4

39-72

EN

After Russia invaded Ukraine, Finland quickly applied for NATO membership. This step is not necessarily that drastic should Finland's security policy development in the long term be examined with one's focus set on a gradually-developed defence policy. It represents an important continuity in security policy, but also played a central role in advancing Finland's steps to becoming NATO members. On the basis of different studies and accounts, the following points seem to be critical in constructing a preliminary narrative about Finland's road to the Alliance. After the Second World War, Finland's western relations became dependent on its bilateral relations with the Soviet Union. Finland was aware that it could not expect any support from the West as regards its security. Despite a security policy based on recognising facts, and the FCMA Treaty with the Soviet Union, the eastern neighbour was seen as the main, and, later on, the only military threat on the basis of history and Finland's vulnerable geopolitical position. The threat, however, was concealed by so-called “doubletalk” in security policy discourse until the 2010s. In this context, state defence was developed to be an independent and modern territorial defence, ultimately there to defend against a large-scale invasion. Finland's defence enjoyed high legitimacy and confidence in society, especially from the 1970s. Security policy was raised above normal politics to be a kind of super-politics with a strong political consensus. When the Cold War ended and Finland joined the European Union, defence policy and the defence establishment got a leading role in working an approaching NATO. Finland's opportunities to conduct stabilisation policy in its close neighbourhood were seen as being limited, especially after Russia adopted a self-asserting foreign and security policy towards the West after 2007. At the same time, the subsequently increased cooperation, networking, and integration stimulated perceptions about western defence dependence. This increased emphasis on defence actually turned people’s attention to the extra security that NATO membership might provide. Applying for NATO, however, required the shock of a Russian invasion of Ukraine before the Finnish public was ready to see the risks of NATO membership as being less than that of its benefits.

16

Prioritising National Competitiveness over Support for Democracy? Finnish Media Policy in the 21st Century

70%

Ala-Fossi M., Grönlund M., Hellman H., Lehtisaari K., Karppinen K., Nieminen H.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 4

149-175

EN

Ever since the launch of the World Press Freedom Index almost 20 years ago, Finland has always been among the top five countries of that index. According to the annual Reuters Digital News reports, Finnish people also have the highest level of trust in the news media and one of the highest levels of press readership in the EU. Most of the media companies are doing quite well, while Google and Facebook have a much less dominant role in the advertising market than elsewhere in Europe. In this context, you might expect Finland to have a comprehensive and visionary media and communications policy to support democracy. However, our meta-study of Finnish media and communications policy based on two recent reports to the Ministry of Transport and Communications, other earlier studies, along with official documents as well as statistical data suggests that is not the case. Our analysis shows that most decisions have been pragmatic ad hoc solutions serving economic interests rather than any specific media and communication policy goals. A closer examination also proves that Finland does not fi t into the Nordic Media Welfare State model either, despite a long, shared history and cultural ties.

17

In the Shadow of the Eastern Neighbour. Finland in the Security Policy of Russia and the Soviet Union from Peter the Great to Contemporary Times

70%

Suchoples J.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 4

9-38

EN

Throughout its history, Finland's relations with Russia have generally been determined by Russian attempts to secure control over the eastern part of the Baltic Sea region. In medieval times, it was mainly about the control of trade routes, especially between Novgorod, and Western Europe and Byzantium. After the founding of the new city of St. Petersburg by Peter the Great in 1703, the rulers of Russia were faced with the problem of ensuring security to that city. From a Russian point of view, it became vitally important to gain control over lands on the eastern side of the Baltic Sea. When Finland became a Russian province in 1809, it seemed that the Baltic security dilemmas of Russia had finally been resolved. However, the collapse of Tsarist Russia in 1917 changed that particular situation. Finland became independent, and Russia's border moved east to the outskirts of St. Petersburg (renamed Petrograd during World War I). For the leaders of the Soviet Union, which had replaced the Romanov Empire, World War II provided an opportunity to try to regain lost Finnish territories. Although the Red Army did not manage to conquer Finland, during two wars (occurring between 1939-1940 and 1941-1944), the post war settlement saw the Soviet-Finnish border shift back westwards. Finland also had to reckon with the requirements of the USSR's security policy and make it a priority of its own foreign policy.

18

Explaining Finnish Economic and Social Success - And Happiness

70%

Andersson J. O.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 4

177-198

EN

This article explores the reasons behind the high economic and social rankings for Finland. It also reflects on why Finland is considered the “happiest” country in the world (according to a World Happiness Report). Using empirical data from two studies - an article comparing high-andlow-tax countries, and the aforementioned recent World Happiness Report - it compares Finland with its Nordic neighbours and other Western, especially Anglo-American, countries. The essay outlines a so-called “Finnish model' and looks for the roots of this model. Comparing measures in several dimensions - effort, culture, institutions, and economic and social outcomes - the essay tries to find characteristics that are particular for Finland. Education, innovation, and economic security, as well as trust, gender equality, resilient conflict solutions, and geo-historical luck, are crucial to Finland's success. Three notable Germans - Luther, Hegel, and Marx - have influenced Finnish culture and society in different ways. Is Finland the country that comes closest to the ideal - “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” (Marx, 1875).

19

The Case of Finnish Innovative Society: Shaping Legal Higher Education in Line with the Ideals of Social Solidarity

70%

Kohtamäki N.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 4

199-216

EN

In a dynamically changing World, the process of educating students at universities must also change. The changes implemented, however, should be well thought out. The events of the last two years related to the pandemic have caused a global revolution in teaching methods, which have had to be modified to transfer knowledge remotely. Such ad hoc changes are contributing to a change in how higher education is viewed, especially in the context of traditional fields of studies such as the law, which have so far been reluctant to embrace new trends in curriculum design and educational methods. Because of their natural attachment to national legal systems, these faculties have been slower than others to undergo internationalisation, i.e. student exchanges in the educational process (due to difficulties with subjects being recognised abroad). For years, the Nordic countries, and especially Finland, have been among the leading countries in the world with regard to shaping effective and innovative systems of education, including higher education.

20

Between Russia, Sweden, and Finland: The Åland Question Since 1809

70%

Tuchtenhagen R.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 4

111-128

EN

This contribution addresses the strategical, political, and cultural significance of the Åland Islands between Russia, Sweden, and Finland from 1809 to the present day. During the first half of the 19th century, Russia fulfilled, with the conquest of the Åland Islands, one of its military goals which had been in place since the Petrine period, namely, to push forward the country's military control as far as to the Western border of Finland in order to secure Russia's capital St. Petersburg, and to threaten the capital of the kingdom of Sweden, Stockholm, in order to prevent a Swedish act of revenge for the loss of Sweden's control of the Eastern Baltic during the Great Northern War. At the same time, the islands were, in a political and cultural sense, an important ingredient of the upcoming Swedish and Finnish national movements. After the loss of Finland, the countries had tried to find solace in national culture and past glories. In this respect, the question of why Sweden, during the Finnish Civil War, sent troops to the Åland Islands can be interpreted as part of Sweden's anti-Russian military agenda as well as being part of its cultural mission to protect the islands against Finnish and Russian attempts to make the island part of Finnish or Russian culture, and to subdue the overwhelmingly-Swedishspeaking population in the context of a Finnish national state. This Swedish-Finnish opposition, though, turned, during the interwar period, into a secret collaboration against Russian military interests in the Eastern Baltic region, whereby the control of the Åland Islands played a central role. Despite minor yet critical situations, the islands have enjoyed relative calm ever since. However, the outbreak of Russia's Ukrainian War threatens to cast doubt once again on the islands' status.

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