Search results - CEJSH

1

Why France and Poland (Should) Need Each Other

100%

Cadier D.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2017

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issue 1

101-107

EN

If European politics is seen as an amusement park, Franco-Polish relations would be a roller coaster and a house of mirrors. Over the last three years, bilateral relations between Warsaw and Paris went from one of its highest to one of its lowest points in recent history. The causes and manifestations of the current tensions in diplomatic and political relations are well known. They should not, however, overshadow the substantive economic links and vibrant cultural ties between the two countries. Nor should they lead to discarding or underestimation of the potential that closer strategic and political relations could bear.

2

Will the European Parliamentary Elections Give France a New Momentum for “Social Europe”?

100%

Thillaye R.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

|

2014

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issue 1

41-56

EN

Clearly, pro-EU mainstream French political parties are braced for a drubbing. European elections have always been conducive to antiestablishment protests, given the complexity of the issues dealt with by the European Parliament and their so-called secondary importance. Yet given the high level of unemployment and France’s anaemic economic prospects, this time might be different. The government is faced with the Sisyphus task of again persuading voters that a change for the better is still within reach at EU level. Paradoxically, this might not necessitate a left-wing European Parliament. As this article argues, the notion of “Social Europe” is still relevant to describe the objectives that Paris seeks to achieve by the means of EU integration, but mainly in the context of the eurozone crisis. The European Parliament is a natural but weak ally of the French government on socio-economic coordination, hence the significance of the upcoming European elections needs to be qualified. Restoring confidence with Germany and France’s partners in the country’s ability to regain competitiveness and sustain its welfare system is in fact the real EU priority for the French president.

3

Francuskie reakcje wobec problemu zjednoczenia Niemiec po II wojnie światowej

85%

Kruk A.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

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2016

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issue 10

275-290

EN

In the article I have analyzed France’s politics to the problem of Germany’s reunification. After world war II France wanted to keep a good relationship with the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. French politicians presented a series of prerequisites of Germany’s reunification emphasizing, that the reunification should result from an agreement between both German countries and with approval of their neighboring countries.The French presidents: Charles de Gaulle, Georges Pompidou, Valery Giscard d’Estaing and François Mitterrand wanted to implement the policy of tenir le range in the relationship with Germany.

PL

Artykuł dotyczy polityki Francji wobec zjednoczenia Niemiec. Francja po II wojnie światowej dążyła do utrzymania dobrych relacji z Republiką Federalną Niemiec i Niemiecką Republiką Demokratyczną. Francuzi w sprawie zjednoczenia Niemiec stawiali szereg warunków podkreślając, że zjednoczenie powinno odbyć się w wyniku porozumienia obu państw niemieckich i za zgodą sąsiadów. Francuscy prezydenci, Charles de Gaulle, Georges Pompidou, Valery Giscard d’Estaing i François Mitterrand, starali się prowadzić politykę tenir le range w kontaktach z Niemcami.

4

“To show the world that we are not barbarians but Germans”: The Role of the Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt in France and annexed Alsace (1940–1944)

80%

Hadwiger D.

Prager wirtschafts- und sozialhistorische Mitteilungen - Prague Economic and Social History Papers

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2016

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vol. 23

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issue 1

42-53

EN

The article deals with the transnational engagement of one of the biggest German welfare organizations during the Second World War in France and Alsace.The Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt (NSV) provided food and clothing to refugees in the North-East of France as also in the de facto annexed Alsace between June and October 1940. The aim of the article is to analyse the reasons of the German “humanitarian” activity for the benefit of civilians in North-Eastern France and Alsace. The NSV’s activities were part of a larger occupation policy which should present particularly in the first months of occupation the humane aspects of a superior Germany. In the end, the German distribution of food to the occupied population didn’t succeed to win the majority for collaboration, but shows the importance of propaganda and racial categories during Germany’s occupation of Europe in the Second World War

5

Model parlamentaryzmu dualistycznego we Francji V Republiki na tle tendencji rozwojowych francuskiego konstytucjonalizmu

80%

Jakubiak Ł.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2011

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issue 1(15)

393-414

EN

The article concerns the question of dual responsibility of the government in the French Fifth Republic. The first part is devoted to origins and development of the dualistic parliamentary system of government in France. According to this model ministers are politically responsible not only before the monarch, but also before the parliament. In the second part the author discusses the return to this model after the adoption of the current Constitution. In the light of this act the government is politically responsible before the parliament. However, when the dual executive comes from the same part of the political scene responsibility of the government before the president of the Republic is much more important. The situation changes significantly during periods of cohabitation. Under such circumstances the government bears political responsibility for its actions only before the parliament. The head of state is no longer able to dismiss the prime minister and other members of the government at his own discretion. In conclusion, the author points out that in the French political system there is no one coherent model of dual responsibility of the government because its shape is influenced by different configurations on the political scene.

6

The Front National: Old Rhetoric, New Practices

80%

Thillaye R., Chwalisz C.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 2

103-119

EN

Under Marine Le Pen’s leadership, Front National has climbed remarkably in the polls. A debate has opened about whether the party’s Europhobic, “euro-rejectionist” nature has softened under her direction or whether her “de-demonisation” strategy is merely a veneer. This article seeks to answer this question by considering Front National’s foreign policy outlook, its attitudes towards the EU as a whole and, more specifically, by analysing its representatives’ behaviour and voting patterns in the European parliament. It becomes clear that Front National’s core message has changed little since its founding days. The notable difference is a heightened professionalism and attention to style. The party’s tone has softened to gain credibility among a wider voter base. However, the wide rift between the approaches taken by the party’s MEPs suggest Front National will need to carefully navigate the tension between its position as a party of protest and one that needs to take on the responsibility of governing in a system that requires compromise.

7

Selected Aspects of France's Foreign Policy towards the United States during Emmanuel Macron's Presidency from 2017 to 2022

80%

Pruchnicka P.

Political Preferences

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2022

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vol. 30

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issue 1

49-59

EN

The French diplomatic tradition has been going on for centuries and has influenced other parts of the world. One of France's most essential foreign policy directions is relations between France and the United States. It can be said to be friendship and hatred at the same time. The deep-rooted anti-Americanism in the French and the desire by Paris to return to great power status makes these relations even more difficult. In this article, I review France's foreign policy toward the United States from 2017 to 2022. In particular, I focus on analysing the aspect of superpower status, NATO membership and UN membership. I prove that these aspects have the greatest impact on Franco-American relations.

8

Monarchia absolutna ludwika XIV. Nowe ścieżki badawcze

80%

Grobelna P.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2014

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issue 10

53-73

PL

The classical perception of French absolutism, which so far has been identified with the system of powerful rule of the monarch with only theoretical limitations, should be subject to revision. A reinterpretation of the manner of exercising power is inevitable, especially having adopted the approach where absolutist theory is confronted with the practice of rule. Such a perspective reveals practical limitations of the monarch’s power, which obstruct a full performance of prerogatives arising from the theory of absolutist rule. !e interests of historians in the issues relating to the functioning of a state yielded a new approach to Louis’ XIV absolutism, while the vast body of pertinent works creates a situation where it is easy to lose one’s bearings in the maze of equivocal answers. Through a brief summary of the major themes in conducted studies, the article aims to demonstrate the complexity of the problem that French absolutism represents today

9

On ne touche pas à l'amitié franco-allemande. Współpraca niemiecko-francuska w okresie rządów Françoisa Hollande’a

80%

Koszel B.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 4(357)

65-86

EN

After power in France was assumed by President F. Hollande in May 2012, the Franco-German cooperation in the European Union weakened but did not translate into cooperation on a bilateral level. The need for close cooperation in order to overcome the eurozone crisis forced Berlin and Paris to correct their individual ambitious plans and work out the necessary compromises. In turn the celebration of the round 50th anniversary of the Elysée Treaty dictated the strategy of developing mutual relations for the next years. In the European Union, both countries are doomed to cooperation, because according to the general opinion Germany and France are still the motor of European integration and a guarantee of its stable development.

10

Fiasko programu reform gospodarczych francuskiej lewicy

80%

Tokarski P.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2014

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issue 3

73-87

EN

Several eurozone members still suffer from serious structural problems, the roots of which go back much further than the creation of the common currency or even the European Union itself. Although the challenges in France are much less significant than in Greece, Italy or Spain, halfway through the term of office of President François Hollande it is worth taking a moment to make an overall assessment of the process of economic reform in the country and the difficulties with it that lie ahead. This is important because in 2017 the country will hold parliamentary and presidential elections that will likely change the balance of power in Paris. The French political scene, both left and right, is in serious crisis, leaving fertile ground for the growth of the radical National Front party. That does not bode well for the possibility of reforms after 2017 and may contribute to the overall risk of undermining the future of the Economic and Monetary Union.

11

Pamięć o wojnie, wojna o pamięć. Pamięć społeczna o wojnie w Algierii w relacjach pomiędzy Francją a imigrantami algierskimi

80%

Kubera J., Skoczylas Ł.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

|

2012

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issue 40

165-180

EN

The year 2012 marks the 50th anniversary of the official end of the Algerian war. The memory of this conflict and other events in France which accompanied it is still alive in the French society. After many years of oblivion and lack of interest from the highest authorities, this conflict once again becomes the subject of great controversy and heated debate. The disputes focus on the four groups: the French born in Algeria, the Algerians cooperating with the French troops during the war, the other Algerian immigrants and, finally, the former military personnel serving in Algeria. Each group has its own perspective of the events, whereas the politicians try to exploit the memory of the war in the ongoing disputes concerning the integration of the immigrants and the riots in the suburbs. All of this means that even after 50 years the issue of the Algerian war is still evoking new conflicts.

12

Francuska batalia o Wspólną Politykę Rolneą w okresie rządów generała Charlesa de Gaulle’a w latach 1958-1969

80%

Mikołajczyk M.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2014

|

issue 4(353)

218-239

EN

The object of the article is to show the role of France under de Gaulle’s rule in the preparation of the Common Agricultural Policy in the years 1958-1969 as well as to answer the question whether the CAP met the hopes that de Gaulle and the French farmers placed in it. Three issues are discussed: France’s activity for the creation of the CAP in the years 1958-1962, controversies over establishing common prices for agricultural goods and efforts to develop a system of financing the CAP. The article argues that under de Gaulle’s rule France played a decisive role in the creation of the CAP as the French leader wanted to turn it into an instrument which was to help modernize and restructure French agriculture thus contributing to the improvement of the living conditions of French farmers. In the case of France the balance of the CAP in the period of de Gaulle’s rule was rather positive although not all of the initially assumed goals were achieved.

13

François Gény (1861–1959)

80%

Pasek A., Szymańska A., Wojciechowski R.

Kwartalnik Prawa Prywatnego

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2016

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vol. 25

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issue 1

5-36

EN

In the text, the vita of the French lawyer, François Gény, is presented. First, the authors present the course of the long and fruitful career, both scientific and professional, of François Gény. In the further part of the text, the main trends in the legal activity of François Gény are discussed. The longest part of the paper is devoted to the presentation of scientific views expressed in the literature of François Gény, and his influence upon legal sciences in the world. The final part of the considerations is devoted to the connections between François Gény and Polish legal sciences, in particular the Warsaw scientific centre.

14

The Union for the Mediterranean in the policy of France and Germany

80%

Koszel B.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

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2014

|

issue 8

63-80

EN

The Union for the Mediterranean, established in 2008 by France, was intended to strengthen French influence in the region. After Germany intervened, this exclusively French project was expanded to encompass the entire European Union, which provided financial support from the European Neighbourhood Policy. The immense political, economic and social problems facing the south of the Mediterranean prevented the Union for the Mediterranean from operating efficiently there. Under the circumstances of the crisis in the euro zone, and after the Arab revolutions, France and Germany intend to continue to support the democratisation process in the region and they have come up with numerous initiatives, especially in the field of energy, cross-cultural dialogue and educational projects. They also support measures to combat terrorism and curb illegal immigration into the European Union.

15

Francuska batalia o Wspólną Politykę Rolną w okresie rządów generała Charles`a de Gaulle’a w latach 1958-1969

80%

Mikołajczyk M.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2014

|

issue 4(353)

218-239

EN

The object of the article is to show the role of France under de Gaulle’s rule in the preparation of the Common Agricultural Policy in the years 1958-1969 as well as to answer the question whether the CAP met the hopes that de Gaulle and the French farmers placed in it. Three issues are discussed: France’s activity for the creation of the CAP in the years 1958- 1962, controversies over establishing common prices for agricultural goods and efforts to develop a system of financing the CAP. The article argues that under de Gaulle’s rule France played a decisive role in the creation of the CAP as the French leader wanted to turn it into an instrument which was to help modernize and restructure French agriculture thus contributing to the improvement of the living conditions of French farmers. In the case of France the balance of the CAP in the period of de Gaulle’s rule was rather positive although not all of the initially assumed goals were achieved.

16

Znaczenie koronacji królewskiej w późnośredniowiecznej Francji

80%

Michałek-Simińska A.

Przegląd Zachodniopomorski

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2016

|

issue 1

169-198

EN

In the late-Medieval French Monarchy the royal coronation played a significant role in the process of appointing a new king. In its visual sphere a certain reinforcement of the ceremonial character may be noted, which was result of a need for a strong manifestation of the continuity of the royal power, indispensable in the times of the dynastic crisis caused by the death of the king. The symbols of the dynastic power became stronger. In the ideology of the royal power it was important where the coronation took place. In the case of France it was Reims. The coronation was organised according to a strict pattern. The coronation ceremony was a manifestation of the fact that the dynasty had been put on a pedestal and had acquired some new rights. In the period in question the role of the blood right became more important, and the royal son was the rightful heir to the throne. But to legitimise the power to the fullest he needed the royal anointment, which in the symbolic sphere created a sense of continuity.

17

Organization and Regulation of Fencing in the Realm of France in the Renaissance

80%

Dupuis O.

Acta Periodica Duellatorum

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2014

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vol. 2

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issue 1

233-254

EN

During the nineteenth century, many sources were published about the regulation of fencing in Renaissance France. Comparing those sources shows significant though incomplete uniformity in the formalities observed in the training of students of fencing, particularly in the process followed by the neophyte in his passage to mastery of the art of defence.

18

The Roots of Fencing from the Twelfth to the Fourteenth Centuries in the French Language Area

80%

Dupuis O.

Acta Periodica Duellatorum

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2015

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vol. 2015

|

issue 1

37-62

EN

This article offers a partial overview on fencing, as recognized through archive records, as well as French epics and romances from the twelfth to the early fourteenth century. In the twelfth century, fencing was only attested through knightly vocabulary as a way to describe actions performed during single combats involving a combination of shield and another weapon, most commonly a sword. Fencing was progressively dissociated from the knightly arts and there were even few mentions of its use by common people. There are archive records from the thirteenth century of individuals bearing the nickname “fencer”, although there is rarely enough context to be certain that they were really practicing the art. At the end of the thirteenth century, archives and narrative fiction show an established fashion for a certain form of fencing with a short round shield, the buckler. This is clearly established in London where surviving manuscripts include many regulations on fencing, however the fashion was also spread in the continent, even though it seems to be less documented.

19

The role of location in the functioning of a local currency: La Gonette case study

80%

Lakócai C.

European Spatial Research and Policy

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2021

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vol. 28

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issue 1

335-351

EN

The beginning of the 21st century was a proliferation of complementary currencies worldwide. Among them, a number of newly created local currencies were notable. France proved to be especially fertile in this regard from the early 2010s. La Gonette, operating in the metropolitan area of Lyon, is one of the biggest French local complementary currencies in terms of its users, providers (business partners), and money supply. For every scheme, the most important issue, which is also a challenge, is to provide enough spending options to be attractive for users, while also retaining their particular sociocultural identity. Besides a variety of spending options, their location features are also important in regards to future development, so decision-makers of a scheme can diversify the business expansion strategy accordingly in order to better achieve the desired socio-economic goals. Using la Gonette as a case study, the research objective of this paper is to uncover the implications of the providers’ location on the functioning of the scheme. To address this objective, I applied statistical tests for correspondence on the providers’ categorical and locational breakdowns. The results have shown heterogeneity in the spatial distribution of the types of providers in accordance with broader location characteristics, a fact which supports the need for territorial diversification of future development concepts.

20

PROBLEMY MIESZKANIOWE WE FRANCJI W ŚWIETLE RAPORTU FUNDACJI ABBÉ PIERRE’A Z 2011 R.

80%

Zubrzycka-Czarnecka A.

Polityka Społeczna

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2011

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vol. 38

|

issue 10(451)

29-34

EN

In comparison to other European countries, France is experiencing a respectively good housing situation. However still housing problems occur in Seine country with regard to considerable fraction of French society, people with low or medium incomes in particular. The article covers housing problems touching people with low or medium earnings embodied in the 16th report of the Fondation Abbé Pierre on poor housing in France. The limitations of the article allow only to pay attention to the synthesis of the concepts and recommendations for the housing policy in France.

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