Search results

1

The Ancient Hippocrates: Galen and the apology of medicine in the Protrepticus

100%

Komorowska J.

Classica Cracoviensia

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2014

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issue 17

103-115

EN

Easy as it is to consider Galen’s Protrepticus a straightforward exercise in the art of hortative rhetorics, it seems advisable to consider the ramifications and the role played by the philosophical hypotext: given the details of the argument, one may easily be reminded of certain passages of the Platonic Gorgias, as well as the importance of the actual imagery exploited in the course of exposition. In doing so, the essay seeks to reevaluate the Galenic work and put it in the wider context of philosophizing discourses of the era.

2

Publikacje z zakresu historii medycyny starożytnej na łamach czasopisma „Archiwum Historii i Filozofii Medycyny” w latach 1933–1938

89%

Dreikopel T.

Humanistyka i Przyrodoznawstwo

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2017

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issue 23

289-298

XX

Celem opracowania jest zwrócenie uwagi na prace, które ukazały się drukiem w latach 30. XX w. na łamach „Archiwum Historii i Filozofii Medycyny” i dotyczyły dziejów medycyny antycznej. Inicjatorem takiej tematyki badawczej był założyciel i długoletni redaktor tego periodyku Adam Wrzosek (1875–1965), wówczas profesor historii i filozofii medycyny Uniwersytetu w Poznaniu. W kierowanym przez niego zakładzie powstało pierwsze opracowanie: Poglądy Hippokratesa na etykę lekarską (1933). Staraniom prof. Wrzoska, który zaproponował współpracę pracującemu na tej samej uczelni prof. Witoldowi Klingerowi (1875–1962), filologowi klasycznemu, zawdzięczamy publikację na łamach „Archiwum” dwóch znakomitych przekładów oryginalnych tekstów Hippokratesa oraz Galena. Należy podkreślić, że tematyka wspomnianego powyżej artykułu i tekstów źródłowych pozostawała w ścisłym związku z potrzebą kształtowania etosu lekarza doskonałego jako osoby czystej moralnie, która korzysta z posiadanej wiedzy, mając na uwadze w największym stopniu szeroko pojęte dobro każdego pacjenta.

EN

The aim of this article is to direct the readers’ attention to the papers on the history of ancient medicine published in 1930s in “Archives of the History and Philosophy of Medicine” This line of research in the journal was initiated by its founder and longtime editor Adam Wrzosek (1875–1965), who at that time was a professor of history and philosophy of medicine at the University in Poznań. It was in the department which he was the head of where the first paper on Hippocrates’s outlook on medical ethics: Poglądy Hippokratesa na etykę lekarską (1933). Thanks to the efforts of Professor Wrzosek, who invited Professor Witold Klinger (1875–1962), a classical studies expert working at the same university, to cooperate, two fine translations of Hippocrates’s and Galen’s original texts were published in “Archiwum”. It should be stressed that the thematic scope of both the article and the source texts was closely connected with the need to enhance in the minds of the journal’s readers, who are mainly the adepts and alumni of medical studies, the ethos of a perfect doctor, an individual who is morally pure and uses his/her expertise taking account of the wellbeing of each patient.

3

Autorzy pogańscy o chrześcijaństwie (Galen, Ammianus Marcellinus)

89%

Bober A.

Vox Patrum

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1986

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vol. 10

311-332

EN

translation

PL

tłumaczenie

4

Galen z Pergamonu, O moich własnych księgach (De libris propriis liber – Περὶ τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων)

89%

Karczewski Ł., Krajewska J.

Vox Patrum

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2023

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vol. 86

123-162

EN

Translation into Polish, introduction and commentary of the work "De libris propris" by Galen of Pergamon.

PL

Tłumaczenie na język polski wraz ze wstępem i komentarzami dzieła Galena z Pergamonu De libris propris.

5

Galen, Body and Soul in Vita Cyrilli XI, 13–20

88%

Daiber T.

Studia Ceranea

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2021

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vol. 11

75-90

EN

The paper points to a hitherto not recognized quotation from Galen in the Old Church Slavonic Life of S. Cyril of the 9th century (chapter XI, 15) which demonstrates the Galenic maxim “contraria contrariis curentur”. The Galenic argument is brought forth by the Christian philosopher Cyril in a discussion with Jewish theologians. The paper firstly demonstrates that the author of VC does not only enrich Cyril’s speech with allusions to Biblical formulations but makes also the Jewish interlocutors use a direct quotation from Paul’s Epistle to the Colossians. The Christian and Jewish arguments complement each other leading to the ultimate Christian answer that Christ is the real physician to heal body and soul. In contextualizing the findings and pointing to another passage of Vita Cyrilli the paper shows, that the metaphor of “Christ, the physician” both times occurs in a context, where the Original sin is the main topic. Finally, the paper is concerned with the rhetoric of the metaphor and the limits of what can be possibly expressed by it. The ultimate healing in a Christian sense is expressed in the faith into bodily resurrection and thus transcends the comparison with concrete physical therapy. In contrast to concrete bodily health the qualities of a “body of the resurrection” cannot be positively named and thus are designated by the metaphor of “enjoying the fruit” in the heavens.

6

The Concept of Whole Substance in Galen’s "Simple Medicines"

75%

Wilkins J.

Studia Ceranea

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2021

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vol. 11

479-491

EN

Galen’s great treatise on drugs, Simple Medicines, begins with 5 theoretical books which explain the mechanisms of drug actions in the following catalogues. The key agent of change is the mixture of the qualities hot, cold, wet and dry. But drugs also have substance, the leaf, root or fruit of plants, the material of animals and minerals. How does substance act on the human body? This is one of the key questions for the theory of drugs, since mixtures had already been explored by Galen in Mixtures. Galen’s exploration of substance brings him to the composition of a drug – in thick or fine particles – and to the notion of substances in the plural and the notion of whole substance in the cases of foods and poisons, all of which Galen places in the class of drugs. Whole substance is the core of the paper. Galen’s understanding of substance as of qualities depends heavily, as often, on Aristotle. The paper presents an argument based on the key passages in Simples I–V, which I have recently translated for the Cambridge Galen series, as too on related passages in Mixtures and On the Capacities of Foods.

7

Food for Life: Galen’s "On Health" ("De sanitate tuenda")

75%

Wilkins J.

Studia Ceranea

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2022

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vol. 13

153-164

EN

In Galen’s view, health was a natural state and disease unnatural. If a body became unwell, balance was best restored by adjustments to daily life, in particular to the environment, food and drink, exercise, sleep, physiological balance and mental health. If none of these worked, only then should drugs or more drastic treatments be considered. Galen sets out in On Health how the natural state is best preserved, starting from birth, through childhood, to adulthood and old age. There are several features to be noted, not least the relentlessly male focus (with childbirth the major area of consideration for women specifically) and the use of the idealised young man as the canon against which to measure all bodies. This latter feature has led commentators to suppose that Galen only has the leisured rich class in mind, wrongly I believe. Two recent translations in the Loeb series (Johnston) and in the CUP Galen series (Singer forthcoming) have made the text readily available to all, and further discussion is timely. In my paper I will focus on Galen’s use of diet and massage to keep the body healthy. I shall also consider the unhealthy body which takes up the last three of the six books, as the life span nears later age and greater fragility. Even here, Galen prefers food and gentle remedies to bloodletting and drugs (which are in effect often stronger versions of food plants). Galen claims that this regime has kept him healthy for 50 years, despite his less than perfect constitution and lifestyle. He is thus a doctor who experiments on himself to promote a lifestyle which, he claims, should, after an initial assessment, maintain the patient without need of a doctor for life.

8

Galen z Pergamonu "O porządku moich własnych ksiąg dla Eugenianosa"

75%

Karczewski Ł., Krajewska J.

Vox Patrum

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2022

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vol. 82

265-294

EN

Translation into Polish of the work "De ordine librorum suorum ad Eugenianum" by Claudius Galenus.

PL

Tłumaczenie na język polski dzieła Galena z Pergamonu "O porządku moich własnych ksiąg dla Eugenianosa".

9

Chleb nieodpowiedni dla chrześcijan: moralne zalecenia Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego w konfrontacji z naukowymi ustaleniami Galena

71%

Kokoszko M., Dybała J., Jagusiak K., Rzeźnicka Z.

Vox Patrum

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2015

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vol. 64

249-291

EN

The goal of the present discussion is to determine what kind of bread Clement of Alexandria had in mind, when, in his Paedagogus, castigated some of Alexandria inhabitants for the consumption of a kind produced form excessively purified (by sieving) flour (which due to the process was becoming devoid of any nutritional values), which, as an item of luxury, would ultimately lead its consumers to effeminacy. In order to identify the food and link it to the varieties produced in those times, the authors of the study have analyzed select treatises of Galen, who, being a contemporary of Clemens, is acclaimed to have been the most eminent physician of the period between the IInd and the IIIrd centuries after Christ, and an authority in the area of bread nutritional values. Having outlined the scope of Clement’s activities and knowledge as well as having presented the corpus of data in the line left by Galen, the authors of the present study conclude, that the Christian wrote about a kind of bread baked with a generous amount of leaven (since it was the additive that made the dough rise), and consequently they identify the variety artos zymites. As for the technology of baking, they opine that the bread described by the Christin writer belonged to bread types obtained from kribanon or ipnos. The authors also opine that the crucial piece of information given by Clement allowing to identify the variety is the one concerning flour used for the purpose. They claim that, since it was presented as very well-sieved, contributing to the whiteness of the bread and consequently to its classification as luxurious, the choice is limited to two kinds of the food, namely artos katharos or plytos artos. Out of the two only the latter’s characteristics given by Galen matche Clement’s description of the bread as a foodstuff of low nutritional value. Consequently, the authors of the article conclude that it was plytos artos that was the bread variety alluded to in Paedagogus. Moreover, they come to the opinion that the discussion on bread show that Clement’s words included in Paedagogus show consistency with contemporary dietetic doctrines. Accordingly, the latter were either not absent from the Christian’s general knowledge or constructed on popular lore he shared.

10

Pierre Dalicourt i Sekret opóźniania starości (1668). Zarys lektury w kontekście translatio studii [Pierre Dalicourt and Le secret de retarder la vieillesse (1668). Prolegomena to the lecture in the context of translatio studii]

63%

Bajer M.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2014

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vol. 24

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issue 1

147-161

PL

In this article, an attempt is made to describe the way of ancient text elements in Frenchlanguage medical writing, prior to the publication of Dalicourt’s work. It enables to reconstruct three channels of antique medical knowledge transfer: physiological thought reflection (whose important documents in France are: the treatise On old age by Pierre du Lauriers and the textbook of surgery by Ambroise Paré), philosophical thought (Christian Neostoicism inspired by works of Seneca, Erasmus and Lipsius) and theology (which combines Judeo-Christian motifs with Greek-Roman ones through the Bible exegesis). Further, at the end of the work, a political dimension of Dalicourt’s discussion is signalled. The author, who dedicates his text to the chancellor Pierre Séguier, makes in a way reference to the antique discussions on gerontocracy.

11

The Chickpea (ἐρέβινϑος; Cicer arietinum L) as a Medicinal Foodstuff and Medicine in Selected Greek Medical Writings

63%

Kokoszko M., Jagusiak K., Dybała J.

Studia Ceranea

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2017

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vol. 7

99-120

EN

Leguminous plants were a crucially important element in the Mediterranean diet, and, as such, these plants were second only to cereals. It is also important to note that according to medical writings preserved from antiquity and the early Byzantine period they were considered to be an accessible source of substances which could be applied in therapeutics. One of the most commonly mentioned legumes was the chickpea. The source material demonstrates that the medicinal properties of the chickpea and its therapeutic use were discussed by Greek physicians as early as in the fourth century BC. It seems that the plant was a readily accessible medicament and thus used in therapy also by those who could not afford costly medicines. The authors argue, however, that the medical theory concerning its role in therapeutics evolved into a fully developed form only in the first century AD (thanks to Dioscorides) and was not modified by Galen. The doctrine of these two physicians became part of the medical encyclopaedias of the early Byzantine period. The presented material also illustrates the fact that a significant number of medicinal Recipes which involved using the chickpea were formulated between the second century BC and the second century AD. Byzantine physicians avidly used these formulas in their practice, but failed to develop them in a significantly innovative way. The surviving medical writings make it possible to conclude that the chickpea was believed to be a highly effective medicine and as such worthy of cultivation, which only testifies to the general popularity of the plant. Medical writings may serve as a proof that the chickpea remained a key element in the Mediterranean diet throughout the period from the fourth century BC to the seventh century AD. The analysed material demonstrates the use of the same basic varieties of the erebinthos throughout the period, even though some local variants were also identified. The consistency of the data also suggests that the scale and methods of cultivation of this plant remained unchanged. The culinary uses of the chickpea must also have been the same throughout the period, given that the writers discussed similar uses of the plant as a foodstuff.

12

Almanach pro Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali Fryderyka Jagiellończyka - historyczne źródło warsztatu astrologa

45%

Śnieżyńska-Stolot E.

Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej

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2013

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vol. 63

5-70

EN

The Almanach (BJ, MS 8) consists of a title page (photo no. 1), the Astrological tables for the year 1501, two horoscopes for Fryderyk Jagiellończyk, i.e. the birthday one from 1568 (photo no. 2) and the anniversary one (photo no. 3), which was cast on the day when the Sun marked the Cardinal’s 33rd birthday in 1501, twelve monthly forecasts for that year and an interpretation of those graphs. In the final part of the Astrological tables, the years are not marked (p. 48) and the work closes (p. 50) with a quotation from Ovid’s poem (Tristia 5, 8, 15). The article concerning that part of the Almanach which contains the horoscopes and forecasts for Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellończyk (p. 28–46), is supplemented by two annexes. The first of these contains the whole text of the Almanach, deciphered by Ryszard Tatarzyński and translated into Polish by Anna Kozłowska, with a comment by Ewa Śnieżyńska-Stolot. The Almanach was written by several people, the most notable of whom was the author of the graphs and forecasts, probably identical with Maciej Karpiga, also called Miechowita, an astrologer, doctor, historian and geographer, and an eight-time rector of the Cracow Academy. In all probability, he hired a scribe who copied the Astrological tables for the year 1501, the graphs, and the whole text. It was also him that, some time after the manuscript was completed, wrote down his own observations on its margins as well as on the Astrological tables and on the charts. The text of the Almanach reveals the workshop of a medieval astrologer who interpreted horoscope graphs in accordance with the order of the horoscope houses (I Vita, II Lucrum, III Fratres, IV Parentes, V Filii, VI Valetudo, VII Nuptiae, VIII Mors, IX Peregrinationes, X Honores, XI Amici, XII Inimici). He also used astrolabium. His work is based on Matheseos libri VIII, written by the 4th-century Christian astrologer from Sicily, Julius Firmicus Maternus, and published in print in Venice in 1497, and, like its prototype, involves mythological characters such as Esculap (i.e. Asklepios), the patron god of doctors, and Mercury (i.e. Hermes Trismegistos) as well as the historical ones such as the Egyptian priest Petosiris and the Neo-Platonic philosophers, Plotinus and Porphyrius. He also quotes Abenragl (Abû l-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Abi l-Rijâ), an Arabic astrologer who died after 1037, whose work entitled Liber de iudiciis stellarum was translated in the 15th century into vernacular languages. In the marginal notes, however, he mentions Rasi (Abū Barkr Muhammed ibn Zakariya al-Razi), a Persian doctor and alchemist who died in 925, and his work entitled Liber ad Almansorem, which was translated into Latin by Gerardus of Cremona. During the process of binding, the following elements were glued to the title page of the Almanach: a folio with the coat of arms of Fryderyk Jagiellończyk (i.e. the crownless Eagle of the Jagiellons below a cardinal’s hat and an archbishop cross, against the bacground of a shield) and shields with the Kotwicz and Abdank coats of arms together with a third one, so far unidentified, in the form of a heraldic lily, with the letters M.N.C.b.c.A. next to it. The Kotwicz coat of arms belonged to the Cracow Canon and Fryderk Jagiellończyk’s vice-treasurer, Mikołaj Krzycki, while tha Abdank one, to Fryderyk Jagiellończyk’s court marshal, Jan Konarski, who later became the bishop of Cracow. The letters M.N.C.b.c.A. can be read as Magister Nicolaus Cricius benigniter curavit Almanach and may also refer to Mikołaj Krzycki, if we assume that the Almanach was written at his bidding. However, Karpiga assures that he has undertaken this work out of his own initiative.

PL

Almanach (BJ, rkps 8) składa się ze strony tytułowej (fot. 1), Tablic astrologicznych na rok 1501, dwóch horoskopów Fryderyka Jagiellończyka, urodzinowego z roku 1468 (fot. 2) i rocznicowego (fot. 3), to znaczy postawionego w chwili wejścia Słońca w datę 33 urodzin w roku 1501, dwunastu prognostyków miesięcznych na ten rok oraz tekstu będącego interpretacją tych wykresów. Na końcu zaczęto wpisywać Tablice astrologiczne bez oznaczenia roku (s. 48), a całość zamyka (s. 50) cytat z utworu Owidiusza (Tristia 5, 8, 15). Obecne opracowanie dotyczy części Almanachu (s. 28–46), zawierającej horoskopy i prognostyki kardynała Fryderyka Jagiellończyka. Artykuł uzupełniony jest dwoma aneksami. Aneks I zawiera cały tekst Almanachu, odczytany przez Ryszarda Tatarzyńskiego i przełożony na język polski przez Annę Kozłowską, z przypisami opracowanymi przez Ewę Śnieżyńską-Stolot. Przy wykonywaniu Almanachu pracowało kilka osób, wśród których najważniejszy był autor wykresów horoskopowych i prognostyków, można go identyfikować z Maciejem Karpigą zwanym Miechowitą, astrologiem i lekarzem, historiografem i geografem, a także ośmiokrotnym rektorem uniwersytetu krakowskiego. On zapewne zatrudnił skrybę, który przepisał Tablice astrologiczne na rok 1501, wykresy horoskopowe i cały tekst. On także jakiś czas po powstaniu rękopisu wpisywał swoje uwagi na marginesach rękopisu, a także w Tablice astrologiczne i wykresy horoskopowe. Tekst Almanachu odsłania warsztat średniowiecznego astrologa, który interpretował wykresy horoskopowe zgodnie z charakterem domów horoskopowych (I Vita, II Lucrum, III Fratres, IV Parentes, V Filii, VI Valetudo, VII Nuptiae, VIII Mors, IX Peregrinationes, X Honores, XI Amici, XII Inimici) i posługiwał się astrolabium. Opierał się na żyjącym w wieku IV sycylijskim astrologu i chrześcijaninie, Juliuszu Firmicusie Maternusie i jego dziele Matheseos libri VIII, wydanym drukiem w Wenecji w roku 1497, a także wspomnianych w tym dziele postaciach mitologicznych, jak Eskulap, czyli Asklepios, bóg lekarzy i Merkury, czyli Hermes Trismegistos, oraz postaciach historycznych, jak egipski kapłan Petorisis i filozofowie późnoplatońscy Plotyn i Porfiriusz. Odwoływał się także do Abenragla (Abû l-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Abi l-Rijâ) astrologa arabskiego zmarłego po 1037 roku, którego dzieło Liber in iudiciis stellarum było tłumaczone w wieku XV na języki wernakularne. W dopiskach na marginesach powołał się natomiast do Rasiego (Abū Barkr Muhammed ibn Zakariya al-Razi), perskiego lekarza i alchemika, zmarłego około 925 roku, autora Liber ad Almansorem przełożonego na łacinę przez Gerarda z Kremony. W czasie wykonywania oprawy Almanachu na kartę tytułową naklejono wtórnie kartę z herbem Fryderyka Jagiellończyka (Orzeł Jagielloński bez korony pod kapeluszem kardynalskim i krzyż arcybiskupi w tle tarczy herbowej) oraz tarcze z herbami Kotwicz, Abdank i niezidentyfikowany, w postaci lilii heraldycznej, koło którego dopisano litery M.N.C.b.c.A. Herb Kotwicz należał do Mikołaja Krzyckiego, kanonika krakowskiego i podskarbiego Fryderyka Jagiellończyka, Abdank do Jana Konarskiego, marszałka dworu Fryderyka Jagiellończyka, późniejszego biskupa krakowskiego. Dopisane litery M.N.C.b.c.A można odczytać jako: Magister Nicolaus Cricius benigniter curavit Almanach i odnieść także do Mikołaja Krzyckiego, uznawszy go za domniemanego inicjatora wykonania Almanach, chociaż Karpiga pisze, że podjął się pracy z własnej inicjatywy.

13

Almanach Pro Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali for Fryderyk Jagiellończyk: The Historical Evidence of an Astrologer’s Workshop

45%

Śnieżyńska-Stolot E., Rossowski D.

Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej

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2020

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vol. Special Issue

65-136

EN

Almanach (BJ, MS 8) consists of a title page (Fig. 1), the Astrological tables for the year 1501, two horoscopes for Fryderyk Jagiellończyk, i.e. the birth chart from 1568 (Fig. 2) and the anniversary chart (Fig. 3), which was cast on the day when the Sun marked the Cardinal’s 33rd birthday in 1501, twelve-monthly predictions for that year and an interpretation of those charts. In the final part of the Astrological tables, the years are not marked (p. 48) and the work closes (p. 50) with a quotation from Ovid’s poem (Tristia 5, 8, 15). The article concerning that part of the Almanach which contains the horoscopes and prognostics for Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellończyk (pp. 28–46), is supplemented by two annexes. The first of these contains the whole text of Almanach, deciphered by Ryszard Tatarzyński and translated into Polish by Anna Kozłowska, annotated by Ewa Śnieżyńska-Stolot. Almanach was written by several people, the most notable of whom was the author of the charts and prognostics, probably identical with Maciej Karpiga, also called Miechowita, an astrologer, physician, historian and geographer, and an eight-time rector of the University of Kraków. In all probability, he hired a scribe who copied the Astrological tables for the year 1501, the charts, and the whole text. It was also him that, some time after the manuscript was completed, wrote down his own observations on its margins as well as on the Astrological tables and on the charts. The text of Almanach reveals the workshop of a medieval astrologer who interpreted charts in accordance with the order of the horoscopic houses (I Vita, II Lucrum, III Fratres, IV Parentes, V Filii, VI Valetudo, VII Nuptiae, VIII Mors, IX Peregrinationes, X Honores, XI Amici, XII Inimici). He also used astrolabium. His work is based on Matheseos libri VIII, written by the 4th-century Christian astrologer from Sicily, Julius Firmicus Maternus, and published in print in Venice in 1497, and, like its prototype, involves mythological characters such as Esculap (i.e. Asklepios), the patron god of physicians, and Mercury (i.e. Hermes Trismegistos) as well as historical figures such as the Egyptian priest Petosiris and the Neoplatonic philosophers Plotinus and Porphyrius.

PL

Almanach (BJ, rkps 8) składa się ze strony tytułowej (fot. 1), Tablic astrologicznych na rok 1501, dwóch horoskopów Fryderyka Jagiellończyka, urodzinowego z roku 1468 (fot. 2) i rocznicowego (fot. 3), to znaczy postawionego w chwili wejścia Słońca w datę 33 urodzin w roku 1501, dwunastu prognostyków miesięcznych na ten rok oraz tekstu będącego interpretacją tych wykresów. Na końcu zaczęto wpisywać Tablice astrologiczne bez oznaczenia roku (s. 48), a całość zamyka (s. 50) cytat z utworu Owidiusza (Tristia 5, 8, 15). Obecne opracowanie dotyczy części Almanachu (s. 28–46), zawierającej horoskopy i prognostyki kardynała Fryderyka Jagiellończyka. Artykuł uzupełniony jest dwoma aneksami. Aneks I zawiera cały tekst Almanachu, odczytany przez Ryszarda Tatarzyńskiego i przełożony na język polski przez Annę Kozłowską, z przypisami opracowanymi przez Ewę Śnieżyńską-Stolot. Przy wykonywaniu Almanachu pracowało kilka osób, wśród których najważniejszy był autor wykresów horoskopowych i prognostyków, można go identyfikować z Maciejem Karpigą zwanym Miechowitą, astrologiem i lekarzem, historiografem i geografem, a także ośmiokrotnym rektorem uniwersytetu krakowskiego. On zapewne zatrudnił skrybę, który przepisał Tablice astrologiczne na rok 1501, wykresy horoskopowe i cały tekst. On także jakiś czas po powstaniu rękopisu wpisywał swoje uwagi na marginesach rękopisu, a także w Tablice astrologiczne i wykresy horoskopowe. Tekst Almanachu odsłania warsztat średniowiecznego astrologa, który interpretował wykresy horoskopowe zgodnie z charakterem domów horoskopowych (I Vita, II Lucrum, III Fratres, IV Parentes, V Filii, VI Valetudo, VII Nuptiae, VIII Mors, IX Peregrinationes, X Honores, XI Amici, XII Inimici) i posługiwał się astrolabium. Opierał się na żyjącym w wieku IV sycylijskim astrologu i chrześcijaninie, Juliuszu Firmicusie Maternusie i jego dziele Matheseos libri VIII, wydanym drukiem w Wenecji w roku 1497, a także wspomnianych w tym dziele postaciach mitologicznych, jak Eskulap, czyli Asklepios, bóg lekarzy i Merkury, czyli Hermes Trismegistos, oraz postaciach historycznych, jak egipski kapłan Petorisis i filozofowie późnoplatońscy Plotyn i Porfiriusz. Odwoływał się także do Abenragla (Abû l-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Abi l-Rijâ) astrologa arabskiego zmarłego po 1037 roku, którego dzieło Liber in iudiciis stellarum było tłumaczone w wieku XV na języki wernakularne. W dopiskach na marginesach powołał się natomiast do Rasiego (Abū Barkr Muhammed ibn Zakariya al-Razi), perskiego lekarza i alchemika, zmarłego około 925 roku, autora Liber ad Almansorem przełożonego na łacinę przez Gerarda z Kremony. W czasie wykonywania oprawy Almanachu na kartę tytułową naklejono wtórnie kartę z herbem Fryderyka Jagiellończyka (Orzeł Jagielloński bez korony pod kapeluszem kardynalskim i krzyż arcybiskupi w tle tarczy herbowej) oraz tarcze z herbami Kotwicz, Abdank i niezidentyfikowany, w postaci lilii heraldycznej, koło którego dopisano litery M.N.C.b.c.A. Herb Kotwicz należał do Mikołaja Krzyckiego, kanonika krakowskiego i podskarbiego Fryderyka Jagiellończyka, Abdank do Jana Konarskiego, marszałka dworu Fryderyka Jagiellończyka, późniejszego biskupa krakowskiego. Dopisane litery M.N.C.b.c.A można odczytać jako: Magister Nicolaus Cricius benigniter curavit Almanach i odnieść także do Mikołaja Krzyckiego, uznawszy go za domniemanego inicjatora wykonania Almanach, chociaż Karpiga pisze, że podjął się pracy z własnej inicjatywy.

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