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EN
The word mneme, “memory”, appears 16 times in the Histories of Herodotus. The author, using the philological analysis of all its occurrences, investigates not only its significance in specific contexts but also defines and names functions that the word has in its place of use. Finally, the author classifies the identified meanings of the word mneme (in combination with the accompanying verbs) and compares its functions (as defined by the context).
Electrum
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2013
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vol. 20
9–22
EN
This article discusses the tradition of the Ionian colonisation preserved in ancient literary sources. The author focuses on the time and circumstances in which the view that the Athenians were responsible for the Ionian colonisation emerged. He also examines whether there is any support in the sources for the opinion expressed by some historians that such a belief was already strong in the Archaic period.
Studia Hercynia
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2021
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vol. 25
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issue 1
9-33
EN
Thanks to a recent monographic study by Chiara Matarese we are now able to understand more clearly both the reasons and the goals of a phenomenon, that of the so-called ‘deportations’ characteristic of the Achaemenid empire. In addition, considerable attention has been devoted in recent years to the ways in which classical authors perceived events such as the dissolution of a community against the backdrop of, for example, military defeats. All this makes possible an analysis of a Herodotus’ passage (IV, 204) which has so far received less consideration than it deserves. On the basis of these premises, two purposes will be pursued in the following pages. First, I aim to show that a study of the fate – as recounted by Herodotus – of a small community of Greeks settled in Libya against the backdrop of the mobility characteristic of the Achaemenid world substantiates the hypothesis that Central Asia (and Bactria in particular) was far less alien to the mental horizon – and in some cases to individual and group experience – than the representation of this region of the empire as a remote periphery at the edge of the world has long suggested. Secondly, a direct consequence of this hypothesis is that, if indeed the presence of a Greek diaspora in Central Asia was less sporadic than usually admitted, the process of (ethno)genesis of the first community of Graeco-Bactrians needs to be reconsidered in the light of a socio-cultural complexity that historiography tends to consider a feature of Hellenistic Bactrian history, whereas the passage from Herodotus’ Histories discussed in these pages suggests that there is an entire prehistory of this phenomenon yet to be explored.
PL
Portrait of Herodotus in the light of Plutarch’s treatise De Herodoti malignitate As a Platonist and moralist Plutarch paid particular attention truth. No wonder that in his reference to Herodotus’ Histories he took into consideration the issue of historical truth, which was for him very important - both in its ethical as well as didactic aspect. In his De Herodoti malignitate the Chaeronean moralist is concerned with truth as well as with offering moral uplift. Plutarch presents Herodotus as a perfidious liar who falsely presented such famous and heroic Greeks as Miltiades, Leonidas, Themistocles or Pausanias and - above all - depreciatingly treated the Boeotians and Corinthians. Moreover, Plutarch accuses the historian of Halicarnassus of being malicious (κακοήθεια). For him Herodotus’ lies were deliberate and slandering. Herodotus was also a blasphemer, a pro-barbarian historian; a man who disregarded women. Finally, we get the Plutarchan portrait of Herodotus himself as a blunt barbarian (ὁ ἔσχατος Καρῶν). Such a presentation of Herodotus seems to attest to Plutarch’s own prejudices, if not wickedness. By the same, however, one must take into consideration the literary tradition in which the whole treatise is rooted. So De Herodoti malignitate contains features of historical polemics and is an example of judicial rhetoric, in which the biographer attempts at persuading his readers that his charges against Herodotus are well justified. The treatise is a work representing the new intellectual trend, the so-called Second Sophistic; a polemic written in a period when the Greek intellectuals were deeply engaged in taking issues with past writers. Moreover, a fundamental aspect of De Herodoti malignitate should be taken into account - truth which is analyzed from a moral and psychological perspective. Although a leading motif of the treatise is truthfulness, the direct subject-matter of Plutarch’s considerations remains a lie, or - to put it exactly - lying. Accordingly, the Boeotian moralist singles out and analyses all the fundamental forms of lying. A suitable interpretation of the treatise De Herodoti malignitate depends thus on our knowledge of the cultural distance between Herodotus and Plutarch, although both authors were the representatives of Greek prosa.
Studia Hercynia
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 1
71-76
EN
The Greek emporia (Al Mina, Naucratis, etc.) were usually founded on the sea shores or in the estuaries of large rivers because they served as important trade routes to the hinterland. Some countries were much more active in the effort of accepting new inventions than others. Thus, no wonder that the further exist ence and prosperity of emporia depended on a wide range of specific local conditions; in the case of Egypt, essentially on the attitude of the king to foreigners. An excellent example is certainly the famous Greek emporion Naucratis and its place in the Egyptian economy under the rule of Amasis (Ahmose II) and his reforms, as were recorded by Herodotus.
EN
The goal of the article is to present the context in which we, modern readers and scholars, make meaningful use of the words “happiness,” “luck,” and “fortune.” This discussion starts by examining Croesus’s question to Solon, who is the happiest man on earth, and then continues by analyzing Solon’s reply that a man can only be called happy after his death. Next, it aims to show what is implied and meant in Solon’s obscure reply. As the article explores, it turns out that Solon is talking about the transient fortune (ευτυχιη) and the permanent fortune (ολβος), measured after the number of fortunate moments in one’s lifespan, and not about the subjective disposition of being happy, as the modern speaker uses this term. At this point, the article offers Aristotle’s reading of Solon and his alternative interpretation of Solon’s concept of happiness. According to Aristotle, happiness is more a matter of character, of quality rather than quantity. The article continues by isolating the term “happiness” from the quantitative factor which still plays a role for Aristotle. In conclusion, the article presents a paradox that stems from conceiving happiness as a quantitative matter; that is, that not even death can serve as an ultimate final stage after which we could conclusively declare someone to have been happy or not.
PL
The article presents and compares historiosophical conceptions of Cyprian Norwid and Zbigniew Herbert based on particular notes and pieces of both poets. It shows that the author of Vade-mecum sees history by – say – methodology of Herodotus, and the author of Pan Cogito creates vision of history like in Thucydides’s one. Both perspectives are valuable and stem from different original presuppositions, nonetheless both of them lead to the same aim, which is understanding of mechanisms ruling human history.
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L’Halys chez Hérodote

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Studia Hercynia
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2017
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vol. 21
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issue 1
15-24
EN
This paper analyses the Halys River description made by Herodotus in his Histories. This study focuses on the several references made by the Father of History in his work. It will examine the part the river took in his vision of the politic, ethnic and geographic state in the historian’s mind and the problems that arise by this presentation. Finally, this article will demonstrate that every crossing of the Halys River made by the Barbarians were a bad omen for the Greeks of Asia Minor and in Greece itself.
Studia Iuridica
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2019
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vol. 80
389-403
EN
What does “the rule of law” mean to an ancient historian, Herodotus? This paper uses modern legal theories and a sociological model to consider how he presents the concept in his Histories. The author takes a novel approach in that she considers the rule of law from a gender perspective. She argues that law is as much about social and cultural rules, which involve women as much as men, as it is about institutional practices which exclude women and reinforce an ideology of female inferiority. She also shows that the rule of law is a powerful normative ideal which Herodotus uses to interrogate power. The author uses the theoretical model of law developed by the English legal scholar HLA Hart, who argues that rules have a social as well as a legal dimension (the “internal” view of law), that is, how rules are perceived by community members, and how normative behaviours are enforced by that community. She also uses the work of a legal anthropologist, Leopold Pospίčil, and feminist legal theory, to argue for a wider definition of the rule of law than that used by most contemporary scholars. She uses three case studies to show that the rule of law is a powerful force in the Histories precisely because it combines external coercive force, internal rule of conduct and normative ideal.
PL
Artykuł obecny stanowi garść refleksji natury metodologicznej nad narracją w Dziejach Herodota, której podstawowym substratem jest opis świata widzianego z perspektywy doświadczenia tego, kto opowiada, tj. Herodota oraz narratywizowanego przez niego doświadczenia świadków, z którymi sam przeprowadzał wywiad dotyczący przedstawionych zdarzeń historycznych. W związku z tym traktuje się tutaj Dzieje przede wszystkim jako pewien szczególny rodzaj narracji (narrative), którą stanowi, oparta na indywidualnym doświadczeniu (personal experience) Historyka oraz jego oralnych źródeł, opowieść o konflikcie grecko-barbarzyńskim ujęta w szereg krótszych opowiadań opartych na strukturze epizodycznej. Opowiadania te Historyk scala na zasadzie, którą określa się jako „fabularyzację” (White 1973), czyli opisanie faktów historycznych jako składników specyficznego rodzaju struktur fabularnych. Metodą analizy Dziejów będzie w tym ujęciu narratologia naturalna (Fludernik 1996) dysponująca siatką pojęć dostosowanych do badania tekstów pseudo-oralnych, do których Dzieje niewątpliwie należą.
EN
Besides its historical values which imply a certain “accuracy” in presenting historical events and people, it is also possible to stipulate in Herodotus’ Histories these fragments which belong only to the domain of fiction, a genre literature whose basic substratum consists primarily in the description of the world seen through the eyes of the narrator-witness (histōr). In case of Histories, it is difficult to explicitly define how much of it is history and how much is literature. Nevertheless, it is certain that Histories are a special kind of storytelling, which, as shown by a closer analysis, is based on a personal and vicarious experience of the historian and his oral sources that cover several dozens of years of conflict between the East and the West, intertwined with historical, geographical and ethnological descriptions of Greek and barbaric tribes. In such a context the paper will focus on presenting a twofold nature of Herodotean discourse, revealing, on the one hand, the “rising” of the oral history from the sheer activity of dialoguing with people about the recent past, reconstructed on the basis of its formal and cognitive structure (Fludernik 1996), and, on the other hand, the technique of emplotment (White 1973) used by Herodotus to make the story reportable and tellable within the realm of an epic convention which was vivid and influenced the Archaic and Classical Greek literary texts of his times.
Vox Patrum
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2003
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vol. 44
329-351
EN
Herodotus presented the conflicts between Europe and Asia on both the mythological and historical level and made them one of the main structural and ideological components of his work. The idea of war against the Achaemenids interpreted as central to the Greek historical destiny returned time and again in the Greek letters, always blended with the symptomatic feeling of superiority and simplified standard view of the Orientals. (Euripides, Xenophon of Athens, Plato, Isocrates). The efforts to unite the Greeks and Macedonians with the Orientals which were undertaken by Alexander the Great, found little understanding among the Greeks (Plutarch). His myth as a conqueror of Asia became an ideological trap of the Hellenic as well as Roman historical thinking (Cassius Dio). Renewed and unsuccessful efforts to follow Aiexander's steps brought interesting literary testimonies shaped by collective experiences of the insuperable climate, the fear of the epidemics, and confrontation with cunning, cruel and elusive adversaries (Plutarch, Procopius of Caesarea). The Greek literary testimonies had their alter ego in the Eastern prophetic writings, which expressed hostility towards the Greeks and Romans and predicted a final victory for the East over the West (Oracula Sibyllina, The Oracle of the Potter, The Oracle of Hystaspes). In the Wars of Procopius of Caesarea a pessimistic, purely militarist view came to the surface. It said that the loyalty of the Orientals could be secured only through the use of military power. In that period we also observe a factor of religious inspiration in the war propaganda on both sides (Procopius of Caesarea, Georgios Pisides).
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