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EN
Fuel blends containing ethyl alcohol, which are now called biofuels, have a long history. Spirit was considered as an alternative or supplementary fuel for car engines already at the turn of the 20th c. It started to be widely used as fuel in the inter-war period. The interest in using spirit as a fuel resulted both from the situation on the raw material market and the need to find new possibilities of marketing alcohol, which was mass-produced in many countries. A breakthrough in this respect was the cheap technology of spirit dehydration worked out in France in the 1920s (dehydrated alcohol was the most effective component of fuel blends). It facilitated a fast growth of the production of fuel spirit. The sales of this product in France and Germany reached 20 million litres per year in the late 1920s, and in the 1930s the figure was redoubled. This growth occurred after both countries made it obligatory to add sprit to fuel blends. The same obligation was later introduced by other European countries, as a way of promoting the relevant sectors of industry and agriculture. This example was also followed by Poland, in which the possibility of producing biofuel were permanently limited. Despite the availability of domestic petroleum and the low degree of motorization the authorities, pressed by the influential agricultural lobby, decided that fuel blends would be the most prospective method of utilizing a large portion of the output of the distilling industry. Having conducted necessary research and having signed a contract for spirit dehydration with the rectification plant in Kutno, the State Spirit Monopoly started to sell fuel spirit in 1929. The beginnings were difficult, though, since the new fuel component was sabotaged by the domestic petroleum industry as competing with its products. Additionally, the regulations concerning the State Spirit Monopoly made it impossible to obtain sufficiently cheap fuel spirit in distilleries. Both those problems were solved in the 1930s. In 1932 new regulations concerning the spirit monopoly were implemented, dividing distillery output into two quotas and lowering the cost of buying alcohol for non-consumer purposes. In the following year the Monopoly signed a long-term contract for selling dehydrated spirit in fuel blends with the Petroleum Industry Syndicate. Petroleum companies, threatened with the perspective of legal obligation, agreed to buy a yearly quota of spirit, amounting to 9% of the sales of petrol on the domestic market (alcohol was to constitute 16-22% of the fuel blend). Another agreement, operative since the beginning of 1939, increased the share of spirit in the sales of fuels to 15% of the sales of petrol (the price of spirit was supposed to be proportionate to the cost of petrol, therefore the sales remained unprofitable for the Monopoly). The aforementioned contract with the petroleum industry resulted in a marked increase of fuel spirit sales as of the budget year 1933/1934; later the sales were dependent on the conditions of the contract, the situation of the fuel market and the increasing consumption of fuel by the army. The sales of dehydrated spirit stabilized at 7-10 million litres yearly at first, and in the year 1938/39, due to the boom in the economy and the increased army purchases, they exceeded 22.5 million litres. The dominant buyer of spirit were the petroleum companies associated in the Polish Petroleum Exports, bound by the aforementioned agreement, which accounted for 50-60% of the sales; c. 30% was purchased by the army; the rest was sold to small unorganized petroleum companies and to research institutions. The positive results of adding alcohol to fuel blends (including their usefulness for military purposes) became apparent only in the last years before the outbreak of WW II. In the economic conditions of the epoch spirit fuel blends fulfilled their intended role and contributed to the success of the government’s economic policy. The increased sales of fuel spirit was an incentive for the development of distilleries and alcohol dehydration plants; they also stimulated research on new technological applications of spirit. Although representatives of fuel industry repeatedly raised the question of driving domestic petrol out of the market by spirit, the usefulness of fuel blends was becoming more and more clear in view of the increasing motorization of the country, which meant a fast approach of the moment in which the domestic production of petrol would become insufficient.
EN
The first half of the 1950s in Poland coincided with a culmination of the Stalinist system. The crucial issue concerned the social basis of the antidemocratic and at that particular time outright criminal system. The structures of the prevailing system involved hundreds of thousands of persons, both members of the social elite and those on the lower rungs of the social ladder. The state of our knowledge about the motives of the conduct of the first group is relatively considerable, but almost nothing is known about the reasons for the participation of the so-called rank-and-file members of society in the structures of the totalitarian state. The establishment of their motives calls for examining such questions as the level of education, social origin, pre-war professional experience, as well as the age, gender and family situation structure. The article analysed the social and demographic features of the members of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP): workers and administration-technical employees working in 1949–1956. The sources are composed of files pertaining to 1472 workers in four factories (in Krakow and Warsaw). The conducted analysis demonstrated that the persons in question had an inferior education, originated mainly from the villages, and had little professional experience. At the same time, it must be emphasized that this was by no means a homogeneous group. The most elitist part consisted of members of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), who found themselves in the PUWP after a merge of the two parties. They differed from the other PUWP members due to a better education, the fact that a smaller percentage came from the villages, and their professional experience; they were also older and enjoyed a more stable family situation. In their case PUWP membership was not an ideological choice but merely a way of surviving Stalinist reality. By way of contrast, it appears that the chief reason why members of the Polish Workers’ Party (PPR) joined the communist party was their limited cognitive perspective and authoritarian submission. In turn, the dominating motives of those persons who joined the PUWP in 1949–1956 were of a purely utilitarian character. On the other hand, it is difficult to indicate a statistically essential group of PUWP members due to their identification with the goals and methods of the communist authorities of the period.
EN
The economic relations between Poland and Germany from the end of the First World War to 1996, perceived mainly from the Polish viewpoint, were marked by three attempts at an intensification of trade. The first took place in the wake of the outbreak of a customs war in the middle of 1925. At the time, representatives of the German economic circles and the Polish economic spheres, supported by the Polish government, embarked upon efforts to sign a trade treaty. A conspicuous commercial boost occurred in the 1970s, when upon the basis of imported technologies and foreign credits the Polish authorities intended to modernise Polish industry, with prime attention concentrated on West Germany. The third period in trade intensification accompanied the advantageous privatisation conducted in Poland during the 1990s. This process was favoured by an inflow of German capital as part of direct foreign investments and by Poland’s access to the European Union.
EN
The paper presents the development of Podlasie’s industry in the 1970s and 1980s. Those years saw a narrowing of the gap in terms of industrialisation between the areas of the former Białystok Voivodeship and the rest of Poland. The gap was not, however, completely closed; later years showed the superficiality of top-down industrialisation and centrally-led efforts to modernise the local industrial structure. On the other hand, the transformation that took place at that time meant a permanent departure from the dominance of agriculture in the region and sped up its urban development, even if, from a certain point, it did not involve the development of the industrial function of urban areas. Moreover, it was in that period that a firm foundation was provided for specialisation in the food industry, allowing for subsequent expansion of this industry in times of market economy, with the best companies in the position of national leaders.
EN
Based on analyses of available historical, geographical and statistical materials, the authors had tried, in one of their previous studies, to describe the basic historical and geographical definition of the Blansko Region in the scope of administrative and cadastral unit (a judicial district). This time the authors focused on the utilisation of cartographic materials as an independent reflection of gradual landscape changes. They utilised the map sets from the second and third military mapping as a visual basis for reconstruction of some selected landscape phenomena. They divided the studied territory into three levels whose area differs. Subsequently they focused on a certain landscape phenomenon in each of them whereas the category of utilisation was a unifying feature. The first level focused on the whole territory of the Blansko judicial district (its settlement structure, line elements, density of population); the second level focused on its geographic axis which is the valley of the River Svitava and which was defined as Blansko land use. And finally the third level was the conglomeration of Blansko itself (location of industry, development of housing).
EN
The First World War brought a serious deterioration to Podlasie’s industry. During the Second Polish Republic, the region had several periods of economic prosperity, interrupted only by brief downturns of 1924 and 1928. As the capacity of internal market was limited, while Łódź and Bielsk posed strong competition, foreign markets, sometimes as exotic as Japan, China or South Africa, had to be sought. Attempts to find new markets were only partly successful, and the interwar industry of Podlaskie never regained its position from before 1914. Among the consequences of weakened competitive power was an acceleration of the processes of monopolisation and concentration of production. Among the characteristics of Białystok industrial district in the 19th century were: great geographical dispersion of production among minor towns and small manufacturing plants and focus mainly on the Russian market. Both of the above started to change before WWI. Production gradually moved to Białystok, while the Russian market closed, and other markets had to be explored.
EN
The present paper discusses the processes of servitisation of modern economies. Presented is the nature of the process, its theoretical underpinnings, and the basic aspects of the relation between servitisation and optimalisation of economic structure, as well as the optimum relationship among particular sectors of the economy. The author stresses that servitisation should not happen to the detriment of the other economic sectors.
EN
After the economic crisis of 2008–2010 the Member States, instead of improving cooperation and deepening their integration within the Internal Market of the EU, began thinking about public interventions, including changes in state aid rules and the introduction of a new industrial policy. The concept of a new industrial policy is subordinated to the Europe 2020 strategy, although achieving its targets may in some instances contradict the main goal: increasing the competitiveness of the EU’s entrepreneurs. Moreover the European Commission established the goal of reversing the declining role of manufacturing, which in 2012 stood at the level of around 16 per cent of GDP, aiming to increase its level to 20 per cent of GDP by 2020, although this is not the EU industry competitiveness index. Due to the many statements, declarations and letters issued by the Member States about the need for a new industrial policy, it is important to identify the real industrial leaders of the EU and their approach to public interventions within the internal market.
EN
According to an unanimous opinion of many researchers, the period from the half of the 15th until the beginning of the 17th century is “the beer golden age”. Beer was a commonly used drink, and malt and beer brewing industry had a considerable role for the economy. In the half of the 16th century almost 150 breweries were run in Kraków, whose contemporaneous population is estimated to be circa 20000 people. There was one brewery to about 140 inhabitants. Many women could be found among the owners of the breweries. Kraków guild statutes do not directly specify the rules concerning company take-overs made by women, it is obvious, however, that they could only be run by widows. Similar rules were in effect in all Polish towns. About 10 percent of breweries in Kraków were run by women, and the most active ones gained considerable independence. These women accumulated substantial wealth, bought and sold properties freely, paid for their children’s education, invested in the development of their companies. Women did not participate in the production works in person, hired brewers were employed for this purpose. An average production in breweries run by women was usually higher than this of their male equivalents. It was especially evident in the moments of temporary falls of production, as well as during more serious crises. Although almost 40 percent of women ended their professional career in a time shorter than a year, a considerable part of women managed to stay longer, sometimes even a few decades, in the brewing industry.
EN
The incorporation of Bydgoszcz into the reborn Polish state, which took place on the 20th of January 1902, was a turning point for the town, not only in the political but also in the economical aspect. German businessmen mostly left and were replaced by Poles. This process also concerned the chemical and pharmaceutical industry. The next decade saw the emergence of a new structure of enterprises, which – with some disruption during WW II – largely survived until 1950, when Polish industry was totally nationalised. In the period in question Bydgoszcz chemical and pharmaceutical manufacturers were in fact small enterprises, with simple technological base. They did not carry out chemical synthesis, producing mostly cosmetics and simple galenicals. Medicines were only a fraction of their output. The range of goods produced by the enterprises discussed in the article was quite similar. Some of them also made dressings and veterinary preparations. The sources do not make it possible to judge the quality of their products, but some of them won awards at domestic and international fairs. In the period discussed most of the companies operated on the local basis, supplying their products to chemists within the region. Their output decreased during the great crisis of 1929-1935, WW II and immediately after the war. This was caused by shortage of capital and raw materials, and by war damages. Most of the enterprises discussed employed from several to twenty people; crises obviously resulted in lay-offs. The largest staff worked for “Halina” Cosmetic Plant, which in 1939 employed ca. 100 people. In the inter-war period Bydgoszcz had twelve chemical and pharmaceutical enterprises, operating temporarily. In the case of one of them the time of opening is unknown. One started operating before 1920 and worked uninterruptedly to the outbreak of WW II. As many as six sprang up between 1920 and 1930, but four of them were liquidated before 1939. Four companies were started between 1930 and 1939; only one of those was operative in 1939. Just before the outbreak of WW II Bydgoszcz had four chemical and pharmaceutical enterprises, which in autumn 1939 were taken over by the Third Reich or by private German owners. Those companies continued to operate after the war as well; in addition, six new ones were opened. All in all, ten enterprises functioned temporarily in the years 1945-1950. Most of them were private; two were run by cooperatives. The government, however, aimed at liquidating private and cooperative industry and in 1947 started the so-called “battle for trade”, consisting in levying unjustified fines and excessive taxes on private enterprises, which worsened the financial condition of the companies discussed. By the end of 1950 all of them were liquidated or nationalised, which started a new period, marked with a different property structure, legal status and organisation of the chemical and pharmaceutical industry in the town.
11
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Wskaźniki energochłonności w przemyśle

80%
EN
One of the most important tasks of the national economy is ensure national energy security. The necessity for diversify energy supplies and changing the structure of their use to force to carry out research in this area. In the article adverted to insufficient efficiency of the use of the energy resources and the lack of precise legal conditions governing to leverage energy from ecological sources. In the article presented a procedure of research the energy intensity factors based on analysis and forecasting branch structure of industry.
EN
The main topic of the paper is multi-dimensional reconstruction of historical development of urban landscape in Klasterec nad Ohri and its geo-visualisation. In the introductory section authors summarize the main development trends in the process of forming a comprehensive scientific study focused on urban landscapes. Attention is paid to studies of the interaction between the society and nature in general (methods of dynamic land use and cover change), specifically the establishment of a field of study called urban ecology and its different approaches throughout the world and finally the interdisciplinary study of urban landscapes aimed at their complex understanding. The term urban landscape used instead of a simple term 'town' is significant here. Urban landscape implicates not only architecture, infrastructure and inhabitants, but also other landscape features incorporated into the structure of a town and also the landscape features of a town as a whole. In the second part, the authors defined the term hyperdata which is absolutely necessary for complex characteristics of urban landscape development. They focused their attention on the characteristics of various methods such as multi-dimensional reconstruction and geo-visualisation, on the potential of data sources and their processing and finally on the application of the method on the example of Klasterec nad Ohri (the territorial growth of the town, but also its architectural concept, internal functional differentiation, tendencies regarding the number of inhabitants or representation of instable and stable housing areas and greenery). The purpose of the final section was to specify selected perspectives of practical applications of reconstruction of urban landscape and their visualisation. The authors also discussed the possibilities of using the method in the development of sustainable tourism through hypothetical as well as actual renovation of historical buildings and structures in the landscape and landscape-architectural aspects of urban development, securing of ecological (environmental functions) of urban landscape and potential and limits of geo-visualisations for these applications.
EN
In 1950s and 1960s, Białystok Voivodeship experienced the longest and most intense period of industrialisation in its history. Expenditure for that purpose systematically increased, although, throughout the period in question, they were below the national average. The years 1950-1970 brought changes in the distribution of industry. Apart from Białystok, new local industrial towns flourished or emerged. Numerous agricultural areas were industrialised at that time. New branches of industry appeared in the region. Whatever the political, economic and social assessment of the period may be, it should be said, that it was a watershed for the former Białystok Voivodeship.
EN
The crafts comprised the prime source of employment for the Jews in Byelorussia and the basic branch of their economy. As late as the end of the nineteenth century the Jews dominated in this domain: in the towns of certain gubernias they constituted 80% of all craftsmen, and some of the crafts were almost totally controlled by them. The crisis of both Christian and Jewish guilds progressed as the capitalist enterprises grew stronger. During the 1830s the tradesmen’s capital, amassed since the first decade of the nineteenth century, served the growth of Jewish factories. The latter were by no means large-scale ventures, and in the following decades, in particular in Byelorussia, they did not compete with large industrial enterprises with state treasury capital but were based on an unskilled and cheap labour force. The Jewish factories in western Byelorussia, gradually developing in the mid-nineteenth century and working predominantly for the needs of the textile branch, began employing pauperised Jewish apprentices. Steadily, they faced the competition of state enterprises with their modernised machinery park and relatively better work conditions.
EN
Industry used to be the decisive branch of Slovakia's national economy until 1989. The aim of the article is to point to regional aspects of de-industrialising process in Slovakia by means of calculation of size of industrial centres (industrial centres represent the basic units of industrial regionalisation) and their share in regional employment for two time horizons. Comparison of regional differences of industrial employment in the pre-transition and post-transition periods shows a persisting spatial inertia in the distribution of industry. In spite of uniqueness of some impacts of transition process on the life of society, two basic spatial dichotomies survive in the regional structure of industry in Slovakia: west - east and core - periphery.
EN
The question of inventiveness among the Polish diaspora in the US untill now has not become a subject of comprehensive study. This important area of human activity being omitted is a substantial weakness in a diagnosis of Poles’ contribution to the development of civilization of the United States of America. It appears that the daily press is an important primary source of an inventive output for the study. The contents’ analysis of the most important Polish Diaspora papers indicates that a lot of space was dedicated to innovation and technological progress. The author of the article brings up a number of examples of technical achievements and argues that Polish diaspora in the US has been keenly interested in the inventiveness and technological progress and has appreciated its significance. The article also discusses attempts to organize inventive movement of Poles in the US. The author also points out that the Polish diaspora regards inventiveness and innovative entrepreneurship as elements of social and economic emancipation of the Polish diaspora.
Mesto a dejiny
|
2019
|
vol. 8
|
issue 2
39 – 62
EN
This study aims to uncover the background of a former key industrial zone of Bratislava that was developed not only in proximity to the Danube, but also relatively close to the historical centre. It was flood area at the time, considered peripheral with an unfavourable reputation, separated by railway lines from the city, with winds blowing southeast – away from populated areas – thus making it a seemingly ideal place for industry. However, a current perspective – when just a fraction of historical buildings remain, and are surrounded by new high-rise structures, and with society familiar with industrial contamination – offers an opportunity to look more closely at past planning processes, as they might be more relevant to present-day decision-making than we might have thought.
EN
Despite the development of the service sector, industry sector for the Slovak economy continues to be a key. It employs the highest proportion of workers, forms a substantial part of GDP and its products constitute the largest share of exports. It is highly probable that the development of industrial production highly contributes to the growth of regional disparities. The main aim of this article was to statistically assess the development of industry in the various districts of the Slovak Republic in the two periods 2003 and 2007. Significant contribution is the comparison of the regional situation in the industry with respect to multiple criteria using the one dimensional analysis as well as comparisons using multidimensional analysis. Both analysis are complementary and thus allow us to provide comprehensive insight into the industry in districts other than the standard found elsewhere.
EN
The paper’s main goal is to analyse the impact of the Munich Agreement, the Vienna Award, and the Polish territorial claim on Slovakia in 1938. After November 1938, many factories, power plants, millions of inhabitants, and even whole regions of Czechoslovakia remained in a territory that Hungary, Germany, or Poland occupied. The paper focuses on losses in three key areas: population, territory, and industry. This research is primarily based on the study of contemporary statistical reports in combination with archive materials that are placed in the National Archive in Prague and in the Slovak National Archive in Bratislava. In conclusion, it can be stated that the change of borders in 1938 had a negative impact on Slovakia and on the whole state. A new border meant a radical intervention in the republic’s economy, ethnic composition, and territorial integrity. As a result, the republic lost around 30 % of its territory, on which approximately a third of the population lived.
EN
The article aims to analyze methodologies for identification and distinguishing of industries by R&D capacity and technological intensity, and construct a methodology for measuring Ukrainian industries, in order to study structure of the national industry. Relevant methodologies and practices of leading international organizations, such as the US National Science Foundation (NSF), the OECD, Canadian Ministry for Science and Technology, as well as the former USSR are reviewed. A methodology for R&D capacity measurement in the Ukrainian industry (by industry) with accounting for science & technology, innovation and production capacities by use of existing official statistical indicators is built. Estimations of R&D capacity at industrial enterprises of Ukraine on the basis of data for 2008 are made. Results of comparisons of industries' grouping by technology level, practiced in Ukraine and in the OECD, are discussed, with emphasis on common and distinctive features of the two groupings. Analysis of groups of industrial objects in Ukraine with various R&D capacity (by economic activity), estimated on the basis of official statistical data, demonstrates full mismatch between science & technology, innovation and industrial policies in Ukraine, being an evidence of insignificance (underdevelopment) of technologically advanced productions in Ukraine.
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