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EN
The author of the draft position claims that the rules in question – regarding the phrases “Ukrainian nationalists” and “Eastern Małopolska” conform to the Constitution. Article 55a para. 1, which set outs sanctions of fine or imprisonment for up to 3 years, imposed to anyone who attributing, publicly and contrary to facts, the responsibility or coresponsibility to the Polish Nation or to the Polish State for Nazi crimes committed by the Third German Reich or for other offenses constituting crimes against peace, humanity or war crimes, or in a different way grossly reduces the responsibility of the actual perpetrators of these crimes, conforms to the the Constitution. Moreover, the above-mentioned sanctions do not violate the principle of proportionality.
EN
In the author’s view, Article 71 of the Act on the National Remembrance Institute (IPN) it is a good legislative product which does not require changes. The possible establishment of supervision of the Inspector General for Personal Data Protection of the processing of personal data by the IPN would be a disproportionate obstacle to the Institute’s work, especially since the existing legal instruments of data protection and the rights of persons whose data are processed, has already formed an effective and tight system. According to the author, those regulations are consistent both with Article 51 of Poland’s Constitution and with EU law and the provisions of Article 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, due to connections between the work of the Institute and the issue of protection of national security, that is a matter which remains the sole responsibility of Member States.
EN
The provisions of the Act, which are the subject of questions presented in the order to prepare the expert opinion, ceased to be in force on the 17th July 2018. A fundamental legal effect of the of the legislator’s decision to repeal them is decriminalization of behaviors covered by the statutory description of the type of prohibited act. The most important conclusion of the expert opinion is even in the period of time the provisions of article 55a paragraphs 1–2 were in force representatives of German minority in Poland had the possibility of conducting activities in favor of “discovering, elaborating and commemorating the tragic fate of the German civilian population, embedded in the system of post-war labor camps” under condition they did not contradict the facts.
EN
According to the author of the opinion the request contained in the petition should be considered justified, and the bill submitted along with the petition, despite minor deficiencies, may be a starting point for a legislative work. The current provisions do not ensure a proper protection of burial places of the National Heroes, because they enable the cemetery manager to rearrange the grave after 20 years from the burial, if unless anyone objects to it and pays the burial fee.
EN
The draft amendment, which is the subject of the reviewed petition, contains an introduction to the indicated provision of the Criminal Code of a new type of a punishable act – the use of terms: Polish death camps, Polish concentration camps, Polish Holocaust, polnische Vernichtungslager, polniche Häuser des Todes and other terms contrary to facts. The author of the opinion claims that the petition cannot be considered justified due to juridical and systemic reasons, as it concerns the matter which is currently already legally regulated. Moreover, cases of falsifying history to the detriment of the State or the Polish Nation, which take place outside of the borders of the Republic of Poland, will remain beyond the sphere of the amendment’s normative influence because of the condition of a dual criminalisation (in Poland and abroad) according to Article 111 para. 1 of the Criminal Code.
EN
The purpose of this opinion is to determine the relation between Article 133 of the Penal Code and Article 55 of the Act on The Institute of National Remembrance. The statutory features of these punishable acts have been analysed. Article 133 of the Penal Code penalizes a public insult of the Polish Nation (in a broad, constitutional sense of that term). According to Article 55 of the Act on The Institute of National Remembrance it is prohibited to deny, publicly and contrary to the facts, Nazi crimes, communist crimes or other crimes against peace, humanity or war crimes, perpetrated on persons of Polish nationality or Polish citizens of other nationalities. Article 55a of the mentioned Act protects good reputation as a part of dignity of the Polish Nation and the Polish State. Different legal norms of behavior are described in each of these provisions – the scope of criminalisation is different. Neither Article 133 of the Penal Code, nor Article 55 of the Act on The Institute of National Remembrance match all punishable features provided by Article 55a of the Act on The Institute of National Remembrance.
EN
The commented judgment concerns the issues of protection of personal data in the activities of the Institute of National Remembrance. In the judgment of 25 August 2020, the Supreme Administrative Court decided that the information contained in the files of the Institute of National Remembrance shall be governed by the provisions of the General Data Protection Regulation, and the President of the Personal Data Protection Office supervises the processing of this data. When interpreting Article 71 of the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation, the Supreme Administrative Court stated that this provision extends the application of the general regulation on data protection to data on deceased persons. The author does not agree with the interpretation presented in the judgment, considers it incorrect and presents arguments justifying a different interpretation of EU law on the protection of personal data.
EN
The author points out that the principles of, and procedures for, providing information to the Sejm by the President of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) are specified in the provisions of the Act on the IPN and in the general rules for the acquisition by the Parliament and its bodies of information from representatives of the competent authorities and State institutions contained in the Act on the Exercise of the Mandate of a Deputy or Senator, and in the Standing Orders of the Sejm. “Heads of other State offices and institutions” are in fact obliged to submit reports and render information, and to participate in committee sittings where matters relating to the scope of their activity are considered. The exception limiting the scope of this duty of the President of the IPN concerns information contained in the so-called classified collection in the archives of IPN, composed of the documents for which the head of the Internal Security Agency and the head of the Intelligence Agency or the Minister of National Defence, respectively, declared that – for a specific period – they cannot be made available to any person apart from the representatives appointed by them, if it is necessary for the state security.
EN
The bill aims at paying respect and remembrance to persons who died during a period of peace due to natural causes, but who took part in struggles for the independence and sovereignty of Poland. The bill envisages the creation of a collective record of graves of veterans of struggles for the independence and sovereignty of the Poland, carried out by the President of the Institute of National Remembrance, and the introduction of the system of a financial support for entities that take care for such graves. In the opinion of the author of the impact assessment, the procedure for making entries in the record of graves, and granting or refusing grants or pecuniary benefits should to be regulated in a more detailed way. It has a fragmentary character and does not contain any significant elements enabling the proper functioning of the procedure, which will significantly and permanently charge the state budget.
EN
The publication contains addresses by the President of the Institute of National Remembrance Janusz Kurtyka before the Parliament of Republic of Poland between 2005 and 2010. The addresses presented activity and needs of the Institute comprising several divisions: archival, educational, investigative and vetting. The book presents how the Institute fulfilled the will of the parliament and carried out tasks assigned to it under Janusz Kurtyka. The publication is an important source for the history of Polish parliamentarism and research on political elites of the Polish Third Republic.
EN
This article is devoted to the issue of Polish historical policy with special emphasis on the role and position of the Home Army. The text is divided into four parts. The first paragraph explains the definition of historical policy and the goals that the polish state sets in shaping the politics of memory. The second part points out the position of Home Army soldiers in the times of Polish People’s Republic and the attitude of the elite then ruling to the independence underground. The third focuses on illustrating the change in the state’s policy towards the HA after the political transformation of 1989. The last part is devoted to the tradition of the Home Army currently cultivated by the Polish Army. The research hypothesis assumes that since 1945, the Polish state’s agenda both towards the HA as a whole and its individual soldiers has been changing.
EN
The bill regulates matters related to the protection of historical memory about persons of mertit participating in struggles for the independence and sovereignty of Poland, in particular in the Warsaw Uprising. Entry into force of the proposed act will cause financial effects for the state budget in the form of increased spending. The explanatory statement to the bill not include any information about the costs, even estimated ones, of maintaining and renovating burial places covered by the prohibition on reburial, as well as about the criteria for distribution of funds intended for financing the purposes determined in the Act. Moreover sources of funds of the state budget from which the undertakings provided in bill would be financed have not been specifies. The author also expresses doubts about the compatibility of the procedure for issuing the decision on the prohibition of using the grave for reburial with Article 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, due to its rudimentary character, which results in the lack of legal certainty.
EN
This article deals with the model for prosecuting Nazi crimes committed in Poland in the light of the model presently used in international criminal law. It tries to answer the question: should the investigation of crimes of international law be handed over to transnational tribunals? Should they be hybrid tribunals involving a national factor, or completely supra-national tribunals like the International Criminal Court? Is it legitimate to transfer jurisdiction over these matters to national courts? The case of unpunished Nazi crimes in Poland may give a partial answer to this question. Certainly, various attempts made after World War II, including procedures brought before Polish courts, have contributed to understanding the function of international criminal law, and finding the answer to the question of the best model for prosecuting crimes of international law. At present, we also have the experience of international criminal tribunals, in particular the ICC, which is an efficient machine for prosecuting crimes of international law. Interesting conclusions can be drawn from its functioning that could improve the work of Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) prosecutors, and shed new light on the considerations regarding the prosecution of Nazi crimes in Poland after World War II.
EN
This article is devoted to the issue of Polish historical policy with special emphasis on the role and position of the home army. The text is divided into four parts. The first paragraph explains the definition of historical policy and the goals that the polish state sets in shaping the politics of memory. The second part points out the position of home army soldiers in the times of Polish People’s republic and the attitude of the elite then ruling to the independence underground. The third focuses on illustrating the change in the state’s policy towards the ha after the political transformation of 1989. The last part is devoted to the tradition of the home army currently cultivated by the Polish army. The research hypothesis assumes that since 1945, the Polish state’s agenda both towards the ha as a whole and its individual soldiers has been changing.
EN
This article discusses definitions of crimes included into the Act of 18 December 1998 on the Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation, and their usefulness in prosecuting individuals who committed international crimes. It is argued that the provisions of the Act cannot constitute a ground for criminal responsibility of individuals, as they violate the principle of nullum crimen sine lege certa.
EN
This article analyses the amendments of January 2018 to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance (INR) of 1998, which has raised doubts in light of international law and provoked diplomatic tensions between Poland on one side and Germany, Ukraine, United States of America and Israel on the other. The INR is a national institution whose role is, among others, to prosecute perpetrators of international crimes committed between 1917­1990. The article proves that the wording of the amendments is inconsistent with international law, as it ignores the principles of international responsibility, definitions of international crimes, and disproportionately limits freedom of expression. In consequence, it cannot be expected that third states will cooperate with Poland in the execution of responsibility for violation of the newly adopted norms.
17
51%
PL
Sprawa lustracji od wielu lat w Polsce wywołuje wiele emocji i jest ściśle związana z procesem dekomunizacji. W dziejach III Rzeczypospolitej lustracja była przyczyną poważnych kryzysów politycznych, czego przykładem było odwołanie rządu Jana Olszewskiego. Przełomowym wydarzeniem było przyjęcie ustawy lustracyjnej w 1997 r., która stworzyła podwaliny do rzetelnego podjęcia problemu lustracji w Polsce. Pomimo upływu lat i nowelizacji przepisów nadal wydają się konieczne zmiany w prawie w celu przestrzegania konstytucyjnych praw, takich jak: prawo do należytego procesu, prawo do wysłuchania czy prawo do obrony i domniemanie niewinności. Artykuł jest próbą wskazania problemów związanych z lustracją oraz zasygnalizowania zmian na przykładzie lustracji Kazimierza Kujdy.
EN
The issue of vetting has for many years stirred up much emotion in Poland and is closely related to the process of decommunization. In the history of the Third Republic of Poland, lustration was the cause of serious political crises, an example of which was the dismissal of the government of Jan Olszewski. A breakthrough event was adopting the lustration law in 1997, which laid the groundwork for a reliable approach to lustration in Poland. Despite the passage of years and amendments to the regulations, it still seems necessary to amend the law to comply with constitutional rights, such as the right to due process, the right to be heard, the right to defense, and the presumption of innocence. The article indicates the problems related to vetting and reports changes on the example of vetting by Kazimierz Kujda.
EN
This article deals with the topic of the Polish amendment to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance, also referred to as the “Holocaust Law”. The amendment, adopted in early 2018, has caused a huge international uneasiness and prompted a debate among experts and the general public about the permissible limits of restrictions on freedom of expression. The article focuses on the most controversial Articles 55a and 55b of the amendment, which were repealed five months later on 27 June 2018 because of the significant international pressure. However, other articles of the Holocaust Act that remain in force and that may potentially pose a threat to freedom of expression are also presented. In addition to the above, the paper also illustrates some of the practical effects of the legislation, which effectively mobilizes Polish society to fight for the search of historical truth. The article, however, does not only address the problematic aspects of the law, but rather places the legislation in the overall context of the populist rhetoric of the political party Law and Justice. The context is given because the aim of this article is not only to assess whether or not the Holocaust Act may currently have a negative impact on the freedom of expression, but also to assess whether or not this legislation represents a targeted, politically motivated attack on freedom of expression.
CS
Článek se věnuje polské novele zákona o Ústavu národní paměti, označované rovněž jako zákon o holokaustu. Uvedená novela, přijatá na začátku roku 2018, vyvolala obrovské mezinárodní rozpaky a podnítila odbornou i laickou veřejnost k opětovným diskusím o hranicích omezování svobody projevu. V článku je věnována pozornost nejvíce kontroverzním ustanovením čl. 55a a 55b novely, která byla v důsledku výrazného mezinárodního tlaku zrušena novelou z června 2018. Představena jsou však také další ustanovení novely zákona o Ústavu národní paměti, která zůstávají nadále v platnosti a mohou potenciálně představovat hrozbu pro výkon práva na svobodu projevu. Kromě uvedeného stať dále znázorňuje jisté praktické dopady dané legislativy, která účinně mobilizuje polskou společnost k boji o hledání historické pravdy. V článku přitom není věnována pozornost problematickým aspektům zákona izolovaně, ale naopak je právní předpis zasazen do celkového kontextu populistické rétoriky strany Právo a Spravedlnost. Cílem stati totiž není pouze posoudit, zda může mít zákon v současné době negativní dopad na výkon svobody projevu, ale také zhodnotit, zda tento předpis představuje cílený, politicky motivovaný útok na svobodu projevu, či nikoli.
XX
Effective historical education requires an effective and appropriately profiled message. To construct such a message, it is necessary to use more and more new solutions to present the content and formulate the message. To build a historical message and effectively reach the recipients with it, it is also necessary to carry out research determining the needs of the receivers, but also pointing to gaps and deficits in the knowledge that should be managed. While discussing the development of public history and tools based on which it can develop, it is worth paying attention to the potential of modern information technologies, which when used properly can help in the research or educational process, providing content, on the one hand, expects the recipient and on the other hand, they are at the appropriate substantive level. The article aims to present the experiences of the Institute of National Remembrance in the construction of digital competences and their application in various historical activities as an element supporting the historical policy of the Polish State. The text presents specific examples of activities carried out over the past few years by the Institute of National Remembrance, aimed at achieving a certain state of balance between history (with particular emphasis on public history) and IT. Because they are seemingly far from each other, they have a lot in common - the measure of the success of their output is effectively reaching the recipient and interest in it was created by a book, conference, application, and IT system. Therefore, to make the products of historical and IT-related works enjoy the interest of the recipients, the needs research and the quality of the message are required, both in the substantive, functional or graphic dimension.
EN
Polish authorities have placed so much importance on remembrance policy since the end of 2015 that it has led to the hypertrophy of the phenomenon. From the 1990s, Poland has been at the forefront of shaping the infrastructure of this form of politics in Europe. Admittedly, even before 2015, national remembrance policy referred mainly to martyrologic and heroic experiences from the period 1939-1956, but it was the victory of Law and Justice in the elections in 2015 and the creation of a oneparty government that resulted in the repeated official declarations of the necessity to defend national “dignity”. This has been accompanied by wiping from national memory past crimes committed by Poles, particularly against Jews.
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