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EN
The paper analyses three concepts of foreign policy that illustrate Japan’s growing interest in active participation in regional and global affairs: Abe Shintarō’s “creative diplomacy”, Asō Tarō’s “value-based diplomacy” and Abe Shinzō’s “proactive pacifism”. The aim of the article is to examine how the Japanese government shaped increasingly assertive foreign policy concepts in response to the evolving international environment. Alongside external determinants, domestic factors are also reviewed, including decision-making processes in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the personal beliefs of statespersons.
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Demographic Ageing in Japan

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The ageing of the population is today one of the most important demographic processes that is taking place in many countries. This process is connected with the transition from high to low fertility and mortality. However, the beginning of this process and its duration is different in different countries, so the proportion of elderly in the total population varies depending on the country, which is being analyzed. In this article author analyzed the process of demographic ageing in Japan in 1950 – 2100 with using the data from the World Population Prospects (the medium variant of fertility).
EN
The article examines the changes in factional system of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) after electoral victory in 2009. During opposition period, DPJ factions were believed to be much less significant groups than their counterparts in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Nevertheless, after the DPJ assumed power, its intra-party groups, to a certain degree, started functioning as LDP factions. Over the years, their ideological leanings weakened and instead of realizing distinctive political vision, they started focusing on pragmatic struggle for power in the party. In 2009 – 2012 period, the competition between intra-party mainstreams and anti-mainstreams increased, challenging the unity of the DPJ. The significance of factional divisions was also clearly visible in the distribution of governmental portfolios by succeeding prime ministers. Although DPJ factions were still not as powerful as LDP factions, they played a much greater role than before in maintaining intra-party balance and structuring intra-party competition.
EN
The 30th anniversary meeting of the Japanese Society for the Philosophy of Sport and Physical Education was held in September 2008. It has been over 30 years since this society was established. Nevertheless the tendency and recent trend in sport philosophy in Japan have not been conveyed abroad. The good reason behind this may be the language barrier between English and Japanese. This makes it difficult to spread the activities on sport philosophy in Japan throughout the world. The question arises as to whether sport philosophy in Japan has the same trend and tendency as sport philosophy in Western countries. We would like to report on sport philosophy in Japan, especially on its characteristics and future perspectives, in order to contribute toward the international development in this field. Sport was introduced into Japan from Western countries in the Meiji period when a national isolation policy in the Shogunate Government of the Edo period finished. The Japanese accepted and have been developing it as a means of school physical education. This fact shows why sport philosophy in Japan has its origins not in sport as culture but in sport in physical education at school. The Japanese philosophy of sport society was not founded by philosophers. It was founded and has been administered by experts in teaching sport and physical education. They recognized several reasons why sport philosophy widened its object from school physical education to sport as the cultural and public phenomenon in the 1960s. Competitive sport was recognized with Japan taking the opportunity of staging the Olympic Games in Tokyo in 1964. This happened because the nation was strongly interested in the competitive sport, and in particular in the Olympic Games. The object of sport philosophy came to be taken for the social meaning of this competitive sport. Also, the change of the Japanese mind structure from common consciousness to self-consciousness, which was affected by the understanding of the human being in the Western culture, made sport a certain action of personal meanings. We would like to suggest a future perspective of the sport philosophy in Japan.
EN
The ending of the Cold War was the end of bipolar era with 2 main powers: the US and the USSR. In Asia it coincided with economical and military rising of People Republic of China which aim was always to become a superpower on the one hand and with the change towards more active role of Japan in world politics on the other hand. In East Asia it's China which is believed to dominate the region and challenge the US after the USSR fall. However one of the main thesis of the article is that the change in Japanese foreign policy although slow is radical because it is in fact the process of its normalization. In the view of these two great processes the author presents main problems in Sino-Japanese relations such as contradictory strategic interests, border dispute and controversy about Yasukuni shrine. In the article not only hard power perspective is taken into account. Except for the Japan alliance with the US, the modernization of the Chinese army and the border demarcation dispute concerning partition of the territories on East China Sea also the question of historical memory and reciprocal perception is presented.
EN
The paper regards students from Korea, Japan and China who have participated in the Polish language courses offered by the School of Polish Language and Culture for Foreign Students at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. The author of the article focuses on the issue concerning the number of students of Asian origin in particular courses and shows how this situation has changed over the last five years (2012–2017).
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Japan's energy security is one of the most important part of its security policy in general. Small energy resources made the Japa¬nese use imported ones, like oil and LNG more economically. In most part energy resources come form the Persian Gulf (oil) or from South-East Asia (LNG). The result is that the import can be thre¬atened by disturbance of the sea lines of communication. Other challenges, including cut-throat competition from PRC and India and reduced availability to the resources in general, help in developing alternative sources of energy or in promoting energy conservation.
EN
This article examines Japan’s role in advancing regional forest governance in Southeast Asia and reasons why the country, despite claiming environmental leadership, has not created a strong long-term institutional framework to promote sustainable forest management (SFM). The first half of the article is dedicated to analyzing Asia Forest Partnership and bilateral agreements with Indonesia and Malaysia in the light of implementation of SFM. The second half examines Japan’s domestic interest groups and their attitudes towards SFM and cooperation for forest protection with the Southeast Asian countries. The article argues that the gap between Japan’s commitments and actual activities has not been closed in the most recent cooperation for forest protection in the region. One of the major reasons for that is the strength and resistance against the regulations of the Japanese companies that benefit from the free trade of tropical timber.
LT
Straipsnyje analizuojamas Japonijos vaidmuo vystant regioninio lygio miškų valdymą Pietryčių Azijoje ir priežastys kodėl, nepaisant teiginių apie lyderiavimą aplinkosaugoje, šalis neįkūrė stiprios ilgalaikės institucinės sąrangos darnios miškotvarkos populiarinimui. Pirmoji straipsnio dalis yra skirta darnios miškotvarkos įgyvendinimo įvertinimui Azijos miškų parnerystėje bei dvišaliuose susitarimuose su Malaizija ir Indonezija. Antrojoje dalyje analizuojamos Japonijos vidaus interesų grupės ir jų požiūris į darnią miškotvarką bei bendradarbiavimą dėl miškų apsaugos su Pietryčių Azijos šalimis. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad vertinant pastarųjų metų bendradarbiavimą dėl miškų apsaugos regione, Japonija nesugebėjo sumažinti atotrūkio tarp įsipareigojimų ir nuveiktų darbų. Viena iš pagrindinių to priežasčių yra stiprios ir reguliavimui besipriešinančios Japonijos kompanijos, kurios pelnosi iš nevaržomos prekybos tropine mediena.
PL
This article will endeavor to examine the process of Japanese marriage through the prismof its law regulations and various requirements, all of which are intrinsic to the formationof a marriage partnership. This will include a range of trends within the sphere of marriageand divorce, numerous examples of documents pertinent and relating to the institutionof marriage, as well as several sociological and economic theories of future trends inmarriage. The article is based on high quality multiple data sources taken from Japanesecensus reports, relevantly social statistics and nationally representative large-scale surveyssuch as the Statistical Handbook of Japan, the Japanese National Fertility Survey and VitalStatistics of Japan (2015), with scientific commentary from fellow researchers in the field.
EN
The article discusses the project of East Asia Summit – EAS, a manifestation of Asian diplomatic regionalism, launched in 2005 as a political forum of countries located in the region of East Asia, consistently evolving toward an Asia-Pacific platform of dialogue due to formal membership of Russia and the United States since 2011. A year before there was a discussion about the possibility of the constitution of the ASEAN Plus Eight formula. The author attempts to study the genesis of the EAS project, indicating an issue of membership in the regional diplomatic framework, while addressing Japan’s optics.
EN
Author analyses in this study the character and the development of trade between Austria-Hungary and Japan before First World War. He pays attention to the beginning of mutual trade, to the trade conditions in Japan, to the development of maritime transportation to the Far East and to Japan’s the striving for revision of unequal treaties. The final part of the study summarizes the findings about the proper development of the trade.
EN
It is hard to imagine that after Japan’s miracle post-war growth it would go on to suffer more than two decades of stagnation. Although there have been some short-lived periods of recovery, such as in 1995-96, the average growth rate over the period of 1991-2014 was a mere 1%. Despite historically low interest rates and a series of fiscal stimuli, the growth has not revived. Despite the long economic stagnation, Japan still retains its strength in many areas. Its human and physical capital formations are among the highest in the world. The volume it spends on research and development is equally impressive. It still has world-leading firms and modern technologies. The methodology to be followed here is derived from the aims of the study and comparisons of international statistics provide the main means of addressing the research questions and the objectives of this paper. The study concludes that the neoliberal ‘market-centred’ policies have brought inequality, stagnation, and fiscal crisis to the state. Therefore, a radical critical political economy is required to analyse the situation more objectively, one which would mean increased levels of welfare and people-led measures
EN
For decades Japanese foreign policy in the Middle East was oriented merely towards economic issues. Its main goal was to secure long-term and reliable deliveries of the Middle East oil, which was crucial to the Japanese economy. Therefore, during the Cold War Japan based its foreign policy in this distant region on the alliance with the United States. Strong relations with the Americans were seen by the government in Tokyo as a guarantee of its oil supplies from that volatile region. On the other hand the Japan-U.S. alliance imposed serious constraints on Japanese independent action in the Middle East. In addition, the tendency to frame foreign policy questions in terms of economic interests has led the Japanese government to underestimating the challenges of relations with the Middle East, an area where vital economic issues cannot be separated so easily from social, political, and strategic questions. The failure of these foreign policy guidelines in the Middle East became apparent in the last decade of the 20th century, and at the beginning of the 21st century, forcing Japan to adopt more active role in the region, and develop more profound relations with the Middle Eastern partners. This new approach of the Japanese diplomacy can be seen in such areas as cultural cooperation (Japan-Arab Dialogue Forum), or political involvement (Iran, Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) in the region.
EN
The subject of this study is the economic changes in East Asia that took place after the Asian financial crisis (1997). The largest economies in the region, Japan and China, are competing for economic primacy which would allow them to better realize their own set of preferences. China has challenged the existing economic leader – Japan, quite successfully gaining preeminent positions in various areas of the region’s economy. This paper presents changes taking place in basic spheres of economic activities of countries, namely: production, foreign trade and FDI flows. The author, using the descriptive method and the method of analysis, interpretation and inference based on statistical data, positively validates the hypothesis of China’s increasingly prevalent economic role over Japan in East Asia after the Asian crisis. The analysis covers the timespan 1997–2015.
EN
The European Union and Japan have clearly been the heavyweights of international trade for decades. They are the first and the fourth largest economies in the world, respectively. Together they account for nearly one third of the global GDP and almost a quarter of all international trade. And yet their bilateral trade has been underperforming in recent years. Trade in goods actually declined since 2000 – both in relative and absolute terms – and trade in services, as well as foreign direct investment, clearly do not reflect the clout of these two advanced economies. However, since 2010 there have been serious attempts from the Japanese government and the European Commission at finding a way to revive and foster the EU‑Japan bilateral trade and economic relationship. In March 2013 they decided to launch negotiations in order to establish a comprehensive free trade area, or FTA. This article describes developments leading up to that point and presents an analysis of problems affecting the EU‑Japan trade. It does so in the context of a recent surge of international activity as regards trade liberalization through FTA negotiations following the effective failure of global trade talks in the World Trade Organization forum.
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Historia ceremonii herbacianej w Japonii

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Tea Ceremony is something extremely complex and simple at the same time. On one hand, it can be regarded as an expression of philosophy, spirituality, culture and aesthetics of the Far East, can be analyzed through the lens of Zen Buddhism, also indirectly through Taoism that contributed to its development, it can be positioned in the Chinese and Japanese culture and history. This is also a stringent ceremonial with lots of extremely detailed and precise rules and principles. On the other hand – it remains a simple common activity of drinking tea in an atmosphere of friendliness and harmony, being also very universal and natural. On one hand, it is a sophisticated art, on the other – an overall way of life. The complexity does not exclude simplicity, when the simplest appears to be the most difficult. Zen and the tea ceremony are connected by the belief in the possibility of reaching a deep dimension of everyday life and finding depth in what is ordinary. Both in Zen and in Tea Ceremony, more important than the closed system of rules are few hints and own practice – it is not possible to reach their core through words or through theory. Tea Ceremony in the spirit of Zen teaches stretching for Excellence, were the experience of the "here and now" enables reaching of happiness, unconditioned of fulfillment of desires - in this sense, it remains valid and alive regardless of existing etiquette, forms, methods of teaching, interpretation.
EN
PURPOSE: This theoretical study seeks to understand how the development of ‘Transnational Business Feminism’ in response to the 2008 financial crisis, was implemented in 2013 through Japan’s ‘Womenomics’ program. The paper further examines how efficient this said form of neoliberal feminist economic program was in in addressing vulnerabilities in the Japanese financial system during the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. Finally, it looks at how the pandemic has shifted conversations around the future of gender and finance in Japan through the Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) framework. DESIGN/METHOD: Drawing on a variety of sources, this paper uses a case study research methodology as well as statistical data from a variety of sources to draw theoretical conclusions on the specific case of Japan’s economy. RESULTS/FINDINGS: This paper reveals that the programs implemented by the Japanese government failed to address existing gender inequalities and systemic risk in the Japanese economy, and that women in Japan were hit much harder by the repercussions of the pandemic, in spite of Womenomics policies. ORIGINALITY/VALUE: This study offers insights into the effectiveness of neoliberal feminist agendas in addressing systemic financial and economic risk, in order to help optimize the potential of ESG.
EN
Japan as one of highly developed countries of the world, for many years, plays a significant role in the Asia-Pacific region. Countries of the region are the target market for Japanese products and Japanese capital. Through the foreign trade and foreign direct investment, Japan affects the shape of the relationship in the region and the process of Asian regionalism. Constantly around 50% of Japanese exports go to Asian countries and a similar percentage of Japanese imports come from the examined region. Japan is also a major exporter of capital in the form of foreign investment to countries in the region, which makes up a considerable part of it. Trade and foreign investment are the only part of the indicators of the role of Japan in the Asia-Pacific regionalism, but these are factors clearly indicating the strong commitment of Japan in the region. The aim of the article is to present the role played by Japan in the Asian regionalism, by showing the Japanese foreign trade and inflows and outflows of foreign direct investment.
EN
The East Asian region has never been among the priority directions of Polish foreign policy – only a few percent of Polish diplomatic engagement was focused on the entire Asian continent. In turn, this small percentage of Polish commitment was divided among all countries in the region. Nonetheless, it is worth noting, that in the examined period (2003–2017), a several very important bilateral agreements were concluded – including agreements that Japan decided to make only with a narrow group of countries. In the following paper I decided to analyze the last 14 years of bilateral relations between Poland and Japan. The article uses both language sources (Polish and Japanese), as well as a statistical data. At the end of the paper will be shown, that even though relations are developing in the right direction, it should be considered whether the pace of their development will not prevent them from intensification.
EN
In a year and a half after the events of March 2011, Japan excluded all their nuclear reactors, returning to fossil fuels as a basis in the energy field. The shock associated with nuclear disaster seemed to indicate an ultimate end of Japanese adventure with the atom. The situation has, however, significantly changed during the last several months, and the first nuclear reactor connected again to the electric network, is a proof of the change of the energy policy. The article aims to identify the current state of knowledge on the future of nuclear energy in the Japanese energy sector and adjustments proposed in the future energy mix. At the same time, it is an attempt to analyze the reasons that led the current Government of Prime Minister Abe to take very unpopular decisions to return to nuclear energy.
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