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Politická opozice v Království SHS ( Jugoslávii) v letech 1929–1931 a postoj Československa

100%
Škerlová J.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2014
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vol. 100
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issue 3
593-628
EN
The study submitted herein, which was conducted on the basis of investigation of source materials undertaken in Czech and foreign archives as well as study of Czech, Yugoslav and foreign literature, attempts to map the situation of the political opposition in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) between 1929 and 1931. This is the period spanning between the proclamation of a dictatorship by King Alexander Karađorđević in January 1929 and the issuing of the octroi constitution in September 1931. At the same time, the study attempts to inform readers about Czechoslovakia’s stance — as a significant Yugoslav ally — toward the local political opposition.
2
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Widowdańskie prowizorium. Geneza i rozwój parlamentaryzmu w Królestwie Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców

75%
Czekalski T.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2019
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issue 1(150)
49–68
EN
Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes formed after World War I was a model example of difficulties arising in the process of building the multinational and multiethnic states in the Balkans. The State mired in disputes between supporters of unitarization and federalism was a subject of gradual Serbization, which was expressed by imposition of Serbian systemic pattern and domination of Serbs in central authorities. In the mid 1920s political particularisms led to the collapse of parliamentary system and political destabilization, implied by the acts of ethnic and national violence. The decision of king Alexander Karađorđević to suspend the constitutional order and establish a dictatorship was an attempt to inhibit the process of State disintegration and expressed a tendency to marginalize the national representation and to restore the sovereign’s dominant role in the political system, which was a characteristic feature of the evolution of the Balkan states.
3
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Československo-jugoslávské vztahy v přelomovém roce 1929

75%
Hrabcová J.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2014
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vol. 100
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issue 2
271-296
EN
This study examines bilateral political relations between Czechoslovakia and Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during the year 1929 when the royal dictatorship in Yugoslavia was proclaimed. The author focuses on mutual political relations and on the Czechoslovak attitude toward the Yugoslav dictatorship during its first year. This study is based upon numerous sources from the Czech and Yugoslav archives as well as literature and the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav press from 1929.
4
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Legislatívne postavenie menšinového školstva vo Vojvodine v období rokov 1919 – 1929 (s dôrazom na používanie materinského jazyka)

75%
Hrćan J.
Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy
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2020
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vol. 23
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issue 1
140-163
EN
One of the most vital questions that needed to be answered concerning national minorities in Yugoslavia after the first world war, or rather after the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, was the question regarding the usage of their native language. In this study I will dedicate myself to discussing the government´s academic, school or rather educational politics towards minorities in the period between the two world wars. I will be focused on discussing the specific administrative and legal regulations regarding the representative minorities in Vojvodina and the whole of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes respectively. Opportunities regarding education in Vojvodina were diverse and there was no real consistency when it comes educational politics. The state finally revoked the 37 different provincial laws and regulations and put in place unanimous school regulations for the entire state in 1929 with the goal of unifying all social, political and public aspects of the Yugoslavian national basis. This study will exemplify how the state acted towards minority groups after establishing a new state and will illustrate the most important laws and law proposals regarding the use of their native language.
5
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Serbska dominacja polityczna w pierwszej federacji narodów południowosłowiańskich (1918-1941) – zarys problematyki

51%
Hebda W.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2014
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vol. 49
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issue 2
EN
The article presents an outline of the Serbian political dominance in the federation of South Slavic peoples in the years 1918-1941. The first part recalls various aspects of Serbian activity during WWI. The next one refers to the political reality of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, where the Serbs have gained an important advantage over the other South Slavic peoples. The third part examines the phenomenon of Serbian authoritarianism in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, one of the causes of the growing ethnic conflict in the country.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono zarys serbskiej dominacji politycznej w federacji naro­dów południowosłowiańskich z lat 1918–1941. W pierwszej części przywołano kwestie związane z aktywnością Serbów podczas I wojny światowej. W kolejnej odniesiono się do funkcjonowania Królestwa Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców, w którym Serbowie uzyskali znaczną przewagę poli­tyczną nad innymi narodami południowosłowiańskimi. W trzeciej części przybliżono problema­tykę serbskiego autorytaryzmu w Królestwie Jugosławii, będącego jedną z przyczyn narastania konfliktu narodowościowego w państwie.
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Przewrót Gabriele D’Annunzia w Rijece (1919–1920) w kontekście stosunków włosko-jugosłowiańskich

51%
Morawski K. S.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2017
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vol. 52
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issue 2
PL
Gabriele D’Annunzio coup in Rijeka (1919–1920) in the context of Italian-Yugoslavian relationsAbstractThe question of domination over the Adriatic Sea was a thorny issue in the interwar relationship between Italy and Yugoslavia. The dispute over the city of Rijeka (Fiume at that time), which after the coup launched by Gabriele D’Annunzio in September 1919 further aggravated the relations of Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, involved in the conflict at the same time the Entente states. Rijeka was the city of non-uniform national structure, and an important economic centre, becoming at the same time a symbol of intersecting Italian and Yugoslavian influences on the Adriatic.The controversy over Rijeka was not a typical one, as it took place in the background of the peace conference in Paris after the end of the Great War. The Entente States, i.e. France, the United States, and Great Britain, had different and conflicting visions of the city’s status. This indecision was used by D’Annunzio, who in 1919–1920 strengthened his rule in Rijeka. Initially, the Italian government was ambiguous on the poet’s coup, while the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes regarded the coup as Italian attack against Rijeka. Thus, the question of normalisation of the city’s status became a complex process, requiring the consideration of many aspects within the framework of Italian-Yugoslavian relations.The present article analyses these aspects of the relationship between Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in the context of D’Annunzio coup mounted in September 1919. Another important value of the text resides in the fact that it is based on archival materials, including archival press reports (mainly from the Polish, Serbian, and French press of that time), which made it possible to present the problem against the rich and broad social and political background of the conflict over Rijeka. Переворот Габриеле д’Аннунцио в Риеке (1919–1920) в контексте итальяно-югославских отношенийАннотацияВопрос господства над Адриатикой был невралгическим пунктом в итальяно-югославских отношениях в межвоенный период. В этом отношении особенно сформировался конфликт о Риеку, который в результате переворота, совершенного Габриеле д’Аннунцио в сентябре 1919 года, усугубил отношения между Италией и КСХС, одновременно втягивая в эту проблему государства Антанты. Риека была городом с неоднородной этнической структурой, а заодно важным центром экономики и символом пересекающихся итальянского и югославского влияний над Адриатикой.Спор о Риеку был нетипичен. Он проходил на фоне Парижской мирной конференции, созванной после завершения Великой войны. Совещающиеся государства Антанты т.е. Франция, США и Великобритания, высказывали разные и противоречивые концепции статуса города. Этой нерешимостью воспользовался д’Аннунцио, который в 1919–1920 гг. утверждал свою власть в Риеке. Поначалу итальянская сторона неоднозначно высказывалась о перевороте поэта, а дипломатия КСХС утверждала, что имело место итальянское наступление на Риеку. Итак, вопрос нормализации статуса города оказался сложным процессом, требующим учета многих аспектов в рамках итальяно-югославских отношений.Эти аспекты в отношениях Италии с КСХС в контексте переворота, совершенного д’Аннунцио в Риеке в сентябре 1919 года и стали предметом обсуждения в данной статье. Основная источниковая ценность текста заключается в архивных материалах, прежде всего, архивных донесениях прессы (главным образом польских, сербских и французских), благодаря которым стало возможным обсуждение, с учетом различных контекстов, прежде всего, общественных и политических, конфликта о Риеку.
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