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EN
During the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, urban and rural municipalities were the lowest administrative units and closest to the needs of the ordinary population. The aim of this paper is to determine the level of self-government, whether the leadership of municipal administrations was an expression of the political will of the majority of the population or an instrument of the regime that ensured loyalty through various restrictions, pressures and direct nominations. This case study is spatially limited to the area of the Brod district, which was composed of one city and 18 municipalities. It is limited in period from the proclamation of the dictatorship of King Alexander in 1929 until the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1941. During the 1920s, central government limited local self-government in various ways, and immediately after the proclamation of the dictatorship, it was legally abolished. However, it should be recognised that the Law on Municipalities was adopted in 1933 and the Law on City Municipalities a year later in which the regime proclaimed self-government in the municipalities, but in reality, it limited it to a great extent. The situation in cities and rural municipalities is very different. Elections for the rural municipalities were held three times (1933, 1936, 1940), while in the cities, despite announcements, these were not held until the collapse of the state. The appointment procedure adopted during the dictatorship period was retained, although the parliamentary elections of 1935 and 1938 showed that the imposed concepts did not have significant support from the electoral base.
EN
The following contribution sketches in the political developments in Yugoslavia after the issuing of the octroyed constitution in September 1931, mainly based upon thorough research into sources in Czech and foreign archives and analysis of period publications. It particularly focuses on the activity of the Yugoslav opposition and on the position adopted by Czechoslovakia – as one of Yugoslavia’s key foreign policy allies, as well as a country with which many representatives of the Yugoslav opposition movement had close relations. Another aim is to capture the transformations that took place in Czechoslovakia in public opinion, in the press, and in some of the political parties’ stances on the political situation in Yugoslavia, as contrasted with the official position of Czechoslovakia’s foreign policy formulated and represented by Minister Edvard Beneš.
EN
This second part of the article deals with the communist takeover of “Jugoslavija,” the umbrella organization of Yugoslav students in Prague, in 1935. Following their ultimate victory over the monarchists, they continued their agitation in the student dormitory, drawing in large numbers of new communist organizers and sympathizers. Soon after, however, they departed for Spain to fight in the Civil War, after which their organization effectively ceased to exist. Those who survived World War II went on to become the political elite of the new socialist state. Their subsequent writings reveal the impact of their activity in Prague on their later political and intellectual development. They show that, even though the communist students rarely questioned the tenets of Stalinism before 1948, the experience of working in a pluralist left-wing environment, as well as within an internationalist and pan-Yugoslav framework, had been an influence on their postwar efforts aimed at reforming socialism and creating a system different than the one centered in Moscow.
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EN
This study examines bilateral political relations between Czechoslovakia and Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during the year 1929 when the royal dictatorship in Yugoslavia was proclaimed. The author focuses on mutual political relations and on the Czechoslovak attitude toward the Yugoslav dictatorship during its first year. This study is based upon numerous sources from the Czech and Yugoslav archives as well as literature and the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav press from 1929.
EN
The following study looks at one area of Czechoslovak-Yugoslav political relations, this being their relations with third countries, specifically Italy and Germany. Although the Czechoslovak Republic and Kingdom of Yugoslavia were close allies in the interwar period who co-ordinated their foreign policy within the Little Entente framework including at a bilateral level, there were also many disputes and expectations which went unfulfilled in foreign policy relations which arose from the two allies’ different positions in regard to third countries, specifically Italy and Germany, for example. The study endeavours to find the reasons and roots of these controversies between the countries, and also to map their consequences for mutual political relations. In so doing, it draws from extensive archive material of Czechoslovak and Yugoslav provenance, in particular from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Prague, the Archives of the Office of the President of the Republic in Prague, and the Yugoslav Archives in Belgrade. Along with this source material, contemporary newspapers and domestic and foreign literature are also used.
EN
This work deals with the previously under-researched topic of the Yugoslav communist student émigrés in Prague in the interwar period who would go on to become the political and intellectual elite of socialist Yugoslavia in the post-World War II era. Drawing primarily on sources from the National Archive in Prague and the Archive of Yugoslavia in Belgrade, as well as memoirs of the movement’s participants, this paper attempts to retrace their political activities and intellectual development through a period in which Comintern policy changed frequently, forcing the young communists to adapt to a constantly changing political climate. The first part of the article examines their attempts to take over the legal organizations of Yugoslav students in Prague, as well as their cooperation with the non-communist left which occurred in spite of Comintern’s ultra-left policies in the period between 1928 and 1935. This twofold strategy helped them to ultimately gain the upper hand in their frequent confrontations with the representatives of the Yugoslav Legation in Prague.
EN
This study follows on from the author’s paper published in 2015 in Modern History, which looked at the ambiguous relations between the Little Entente partners of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia with Italy and Germany and the impact of these relations on their mutual alliance. The following study endeavours to analyse and describe additional areas of conflict in Czechoslovak-Yugoslav relations. These involve the different stances of both countries on Bulgaria, the Soviet Union and Poland. The study aims to find the reasons for and roots of these mutual controversies, and also to map out what consequences these had for mutual political relations. In doing so, it draws from extensive archive material of Czechoslovak and Yugoslav provenance, in particular from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Prague, the Archives of the Office of the President of the Republic in Prague, and the Yugoslav Archives in Belgrade. Along with this source material, contemporary newspapers and domestic and foreign literature are also used.
EN
The article presents an outline of the Serbian political dominance in the federation of South Slavic peoples in the years 1918-1941. The first part recalls various aspects of Serbian activity during WWI. The next one refers to the political reality of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, where the Serbs have gained an important advantage over the other South Slavic peoples. The third part examines the phenomenon of Serbian authoritarianism in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, one of the causes of the growing ethnic conflict in the country.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono zarys serbskiej dominacji politycznej w federacji naro­dów południowosłowiańskich z lat 1918–1941. W pierwszej części przywołano kwestie związane z aktywnością Serbów podczas I wojny światowej. W kolejnej odniesiono się do funkcjonowania Królestwa Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców, w którym Serbowie uzyskali znaczną przewagę poli­tyczną nad innymi narodami południowosłowiańskimi. W trzeciej części przybliżono problema­tykę serbskiego autorytaryzmu w Królestwie Jugosławii, będącego jedną z przyczyn narastania konfliktu narodowościowego w państwie.
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