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EN
A depiction of a fragment in the history of Memel (Klaipeda) in 1924-1932, i. e. after the signing of the Memel Convention and prior to Hitler's ascension to power in Germany. The article describes the nature of Memel's autonomy as well as the threats and sources of conflicts lurking in the accepted solutions. Prime attention is focused on the mechanisms of political activity - the constant misunderstandings and conflicts between the Lithuanian central authorities, the governor, and the self-government bodies, predominated by Germans. The author indicated the essence of the controversy in which the Lithuanian side strove towards integration with Lithuania, as well as closer political, cultural and economic bonds. The Germans rejected such demands, wishing to preserve their heretofore privileges and to win the greatest possible independence from Kaunas. The most important dispute was caused in 1931 by the activity of Otto Böttcher, the chairman of the Directorate, correctly accused of having violated the statute of Memel. The ensuing conflict was resolved by The Hague Tribunal, which issued a verdict in favour of Lithuania.
EN
Historically the Lithuanian guerrilla war against the soviet occupation embraces the period from 1944 to 1953 and is divided into three stages: 1944- -1946; 1946 -1948 and from 1949 onwards. The question of the leadership was important throughout the history of the guerrilla war. Not only the commanders of the guerrilla fighters, but also the organizations of the emigres as well as the diplomatic corps thought of themselves as the representatives of Lithuania. However, it was the partisans who were actually fighting the occupants and who therefore were in the closest relationship with the political nation – the undoubted bearer of the sovereignty according to the contemporary worldview. Therefore, to the leadership of the guerrilla movement belonged not only the military, but also the political authority in the occupied Lithuania. If the guerrilla war is interpreted according to the concept of Carl Schmitt, its relation to the political nation becomes apparent. It takes little effort to see in “the defensive-autochthonous defender of home” the modern citizen par excelence – the one who is ready to take up arms in defense of his fatherland. However, this interconnection escaped the attention of Carl Schmitt himself. Therefore “The Theory of Partisan” was left independent of the Carl Schmitt’s concept of the sovereignty (“Sovereign is he who decides on the exception”). But if the guerrilla war is considered as itself the state of exception, it opens the way for the qualitatively new theory.
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There are several analytical instruments to think about the construction of national collective identities in Central East Europe, including Lithuania. Possibly the most applicable for this article are the following: the construction of regions that nations prescribes themselves in order to distance from unfavourable states or regions (mostly assumed as danger), the role of the “Other” in national collective identity, ethnolinguistic versus political construction of nation, cultural trauma and triumph, postcolonial identity problems, civilizational versus integrational European identity. Highlighted by these theoretical guides, the article reveals how Lithuanian collective identity had been constructed in different historical periods.
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W stronę konstytucji jurysprudencyjnej

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EN
In the XX century, before the loss of independence, Lithuania had six Constitutions within two decades. Since the state restored its independence in 1990, it has had three Constitutions (albeit one just for a brief moment). The history of Lithuanian Constitutions is briefly presented. The first part of this paper is dedicated to an overview of the development of Constitution and related laws during the first stage of existence of the independent Lithuanian state (1990-1992). The Constitution of 1992 is the longest valid one. The article is an attempt to describe the way how, due to the activity of the Constitutional Court, it has developed into a living jurisprudential reality. It is exemplified with some cases which have been dealt with by the Constitutional Court.
EN
The article deals with human rights process issues in Lithuania as the post- -communist country. Human rights, as the subfield of political science studies are not elaborated in Lithuania. This essay explores the two influential factors of human rights process and their impact on such actors of this process as government officials, society and NGO’s. Activity of this actors are contradictory, inconsistent and their interrelations are, sometimes, conflicting. Government official’s human rights policy are influenced more by institutional factor. Society evaluate human rights idea and policy from the cultural perspective. NGO’s have potential to conciliate influence of both factors, but their activity is not yet fully developed.
EN
The article is a continuation of author's research on a history of St. Vincent of Paul's missionaries from the Polish territory in the 17th to 19th centuries. There are presented schools established by missionaries in the region of Kraslav, Lyskow and Illukszta. Author analyses lists of pupils in every school, as well as the manuals used by them for learning languages (i.e. Polish, Latin, German) and History, Geography, Algebra, Arithmetic, Botany and Gardening. Sources used for writing this article come, among other, from Archives of the Missionaries Congregation from Stradom and the Library of Polish Academy of Science in Cracow.
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Kierunki polityki pamieci na Litwie sowieckiej

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EN
Soviet model of narrative on history of Lithuania was shaped during the first decade of the Soviet rule in Lithuania. Later on, elements of pre -soviet, nationalist historiography had been gradually integrated into this model; primarily those which had strong anti -occidental, anti -Christian (anti -Catholic) or anti -Polish connotations. As a result, during the soviet period historical narrative, originated from the turn of 19th and 20th century and built on the paradigm of ethnic nationalism, was consolidated in the historical imagination of the Lithuanian society. Under totalitarian control over public discourse this historical narrative became not only predominant, but also in some way purified, as no alternatives (particularly those accepting Christianity or Western culture) were allowed. Communist regime always tried to use ethnonationalistic symbols for its own legitimization. This tendency was strongest during the late 1980s crisis of the regime. Some Lithuanian Communists were advanced on this path, what made much easier their later integration into political elite of already democratic state after 1990. The soviet regime in Lithuania was much less successful in promoting its vision of Lithuanian history of the 20th century, although from mid 1950s onwards the communists tried to demonstrate the existence of authentic, communist tradition in the country. At the end of 1980s this “tradition” failed to answer new challenges in historical discourse: it could be to some degree reconciled with the condemnation of Stalinist crimes, but it gave no answer to the question of present and historical Lithuanian statehood. Changes on the symbolic map of capital – Vilnius give good insight in the main tendencies of soviet politics of memory. The city was desacralized: secularized cathedral became rather “the temple of arts”, while Vilnius University was deprived of great part of its authentic (mainly Jesuit) history. In official view (expressed in guide and scholarly publications, celebrations of anniversaries etc.) the Gate of Dawn, with the representation of the Virgin Mary in it, was no longer the main symbol of the city. For communist authorities it was rather a tower on the hill – a remnant of pagan grand duke of Lithuania Giediminas’ Castle.
EN
As a result of bilateral agreements, a broadly-shared repatriation operation began during 1944-1946. About one million Borderland people started their journey back to their homeland. On their way home, they faced many problems associated with clerical hostility and malice, human greed, war difficulties, as well as being robbed by demoralized troops and ordinary bandits. I tried to look at the problems faced by repatriates during their journey on the basis of, inter alia, the archives of the General Proxy for Repatriation and the Principal Proxies for the Evacuation. I present the difficulties of days of waiting for a train on the ramps, the pathology of hasty loading and reloading into too few wagons. Above all, however, I focus on the issues of their movement from the Polish Eastern Borderlands to Poland, the difficulties which repatriates faced from railway staff from the initial station in Lithuania or Ukraine, until arrival in the destination cities in Poland.
EN
The article represents an attempt to better understand the problems behind the current state of the Polish-Lithuanian relations and to identify desirable changes in this domain. For this purpose, the first part of the article provides a brief overview of the past relations of the two nations. Then, the author analyses the current state of the cooperation between Poland and Lithuania, with particular emphasis on economic cooperation. In the penultimate section, the effects of the unsatisfactory political cooperation on the economic cooperation are illustrated on the example of the Polish investment in the refinery in Mažeikiai. The last part contains conclusions and recommendations for future cooperation.
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Personality Rights in Lithuania

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EN
The Lithuanian law statutizes the protection of personality rights of physical persons, primarily, on the constitutional level. The protection secured by the regulations of the civil law is of a slightly lesser importance and serves as a means of protection of constitutional values. On the other hand, personality rights of legal persons are not protected constitutionally. The doctrine defines the personality rights as non-property rights connected with the human being, which corresponds to the codified definition of the non-property rights and ones devoid of economic value. As regards the Lithuanian law, the catalogue of personality rights is open, although it is hard to point to what guiding principles should courts be directed by while granting the protection to unnamed personality rights. Personality rights are inalienable and non-hereditary, although after the physical person’s death, their personality rights can be executed by their spouses and children. This entitlement concerns violations which took place after the death of the given physical person. In the case of the personality rights which have been violated, the disadvantaged party is entitled to claims of default, removal of effects of the violation, satisfaction and compensation.
EN
A group of Lithuanians, whose decisive majority was associated with the Sapieha faction, one of the three involved at the time in a struggle for domination in Lithuania, decided to found a 24-pound gun for the defensive Pauline monastery on Jasna Góra in Czestochowa. A source preserved in the Main Archive of Old Acts in Warsaw shows that the initiator and organiser of the undertaking was Aleksander Hilary Polubinski, the field scribe of Lithuania, and that it took place in Warsaw in the course of a parliamentary session held in 1664, which involved a court trail of Jerzy Lubomirski, the grand marshal of the Crown. This fact certainly exerted an impact on the absence of some of the foreseen donators, headed by Pawel Jan Sapieha, the leader of the faction, the voivode of Wilno and the grand hetman of Lithuania. The participants have not been established, since only certain names and titles have been listed; empty spaces had been left for the others (the author of the article attempts to guess who was taken into account), and only some of those mentioned actually provided money for the casting of the gun. The declared sums proved to be insufficient for the foundation and we cannot tell whether the project was realised in the ensuing situation. The donators were basically zealous Catholics, renowned for their participation in numerous religious foundations. The group in question, however, includes also Marcjan Aleksander Oginski, the master of the pantry of Lithuania, an adherent of the Eastern rite Church, and his wife, Marcybella, born Hlebowicz, a Catholic who originally was a Calvinist. The most paradoxical aspect of this situation was the fact that the main organiser of the donation arrived at the Jasna Gora monastery not with the gun but as a commander of the Lithuanian army, assisting royal forces in the struggle against the so-called Lubomirski mutiny. His men were defeated at the walls of the fortress and those seeking refuge in the monastery encountered closed gates and thus were captured. This event must have definitely influenced the fate of the planned votum, assuming that it was still being planned.
EN
At the end of 1938, an international crisis, which is even now eclipsed by political echoes of Nazi 'Anschluss', occurred in North-East Europe. The Polish governmental circles took advantage of the fact that European attention was focused on Central European matters and forced the Lithuanian government to restore diplomatic relations. From 1920, there were no official relations between Warsaw and Kaunas, because the Lithuanian government had refused to recognize annexation of the Vilnius region by the Rzeczypospolita. As a result of killing a Polish border guard, the Warsaw government demanded in an ultimatum that the Kaunas government should recognise a Polish diplomat (and send a diplomat to Poland), thus effectively acknowledge the status quo. The Lithuanian anti-Polish nationalistic regime hesitated, fathoming the great powers' and the Baltic Treaty allies' reaction to an eventual Polish scheme. Most parties recommended accepting the Polish requirements. The Czech Foreign Minister gave the Lithuanian ambassador the same advice. The post-war research of captured German documents revealed that Hitler intended to use a potential Polish-Lithuanian military clash for the annexation of Klajpeda (Memel), i.e. a step, which Germany took one year later, in March 1939.
EN
The contemporary public administration system in Lithuania was created and developed from scratch after the collapse of the communist administrative system. The EU made an especially big impact during the accession process and later. But Lithuania experimented and merged American, Canadian or Hong Kong models with the European standards in its own system of public administration. One of the most peculiar features of public administration in Lithuania is its clearly legalistic dominance. The legalistic culture and legalistic administrative tradition have their ties to the Soviet legacy as well as to the EU, conditionally. The legalistic vector of Lithuanian public administration has its positive and negative sides. On the positive side there is the assurance (at least at a procedural level) of the supremacy of law. However as this is a traditional model of public administration, it brings with it a lack of economic or managerial efficiency. But Lithuanian-specific, traditional model of public administration means also legal formalism, which is an impediment for flexible and open government, and for more trust in society for state institutions.
EN
The article discusses the differences in the content of the collective memory of World War II between the Baltic states’ societies and the rest of Europe (particularly, Western Europe). The author argues that the Baltic countries (in many respects – also Poland) are located “in between”, having Russia and Germany as neighbours. Nowadays, he admits, it is not entirely true in terms of political divisions (all countries are on the borders of the EU), but it is nonetheless reflected in the collective memory of the societies under discussion. The article focuses mostly on Lithuania. The author’s main point is that the Baltic societies survived both totalitarianisms (Nazi and Soviet), while in the West only the national -socialist (fascist) totalitarianism was experienced. As a consequence, the author argues, Sovietism is regarded in the West as the “better” totalitarianism, or not considered totalitarian at all, while in the Baltic states the term “totalitarianism” has always meant the two: Soviet and Nazi, equally reprehensible. As an example of this gap, the author analyzes the case of a discussion between the Latvian minister of foreign affairs – Sandra Kalniete and a Holocaust survivor – Salomon Korn. In the article, integrating the “Baltic memory” into the European memory is postulated. The author argues that it is necessary to acknowledge the existence of two totalitarianisms, both of which equally “brought about genocide, violations of human rights and freedoms, war crimes and crimes against humanity”. In his view, nowadays the integration of European memory has become a political issue. He points out to Russia as the state keenly interested and actively seeking to preserve the image of Sovietism as less totalitarian in the minds of Europeans.
EN
The structure of the court of Grand Duke of Lithuania had been developing since the beginning of statehood, although during Witold/Vytautas rule (1392- 1430) it took a new, institutional shape as the court of ruler. In the article, the history of its development is discussed, including its internal organization and separate elements. Under Witold, the European system of court positions (marshals, treasurer, etc.) was implemented. This system, since the High Middle Ages, had been a distinctive feature of the sovereign rule of king or duke. Besides people holding defined positions, the court consisted of courtiers (lot. curienses, rus. дворянин), noblemen of the neighboring countries. Institutional court became a precondition for double integration. Firstly, the implementation of European social, ruling and honor structure made Witold’s court an institution of a sovereign ruler and introduced it into the communication space of European monarchs. Secondly, the participation of local noblemen in the organization of the court added to the prestige of the service at the ruler’s court and at the same time importantly influenced internal integration of the country’s elite. The court of Grand Duke brought together different (often – conflicting) groups of nobility, helped them to perceive common interest or common good (res publica), promoted unified values and fashions. In this respect, noble milieu of Grand Duke Witold was important in the process of formation of the “political nation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania” and promoted European lifestyle among Lithuanian nobility. The institutionalized court created by Witold was inherited by his successors on the throne of grand duke. At the end of the article, the list of courtiers of Grand Duke (1392-1440) is presented.
Mesto a dejiny
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2021
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vol. 10
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issue 2
86 – 114
EN
The construction of Soviet shopping centres that started in the 1960s marked a new stage in the consumption possibilities of Soviet society with the environments of consumption playing an important role. The main objective of this article is stated as follows: to analyse, following the LSSR (Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic) case, what the idea of Soviet shopping centres and its realization in the LSSR was and to ascertain how the Soviet authorities used the shopping centres for the development of consumption in Soviet society employing the advertising of shopping centres and the contraposition between socialism and capitalism. To achieve the research objective, the main method used was to analyse the published and unpublished sources that reflect the process of the appearance of Soviet shopping centres. The research demonstrates that the idea of Soviet shopping centres was not an original product of the Soviet system. Some aspects of their construction and composition were copied and there were attempts to implement them using Western practices.
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The article discusses the impact of European Union membership on the economy, poli tics and policies of the new member states, in particular Lithuania. It first presents the forecasts and arguments regarding the impact of EU enlargement that were discussed before the enlargement in 2004 -2007. It draws on the work of European inte gration literature, stating that it was the approaching EU enlargement into the Central and Eastern Europe which caused the wave on theorizing the issue of enlargement which has been absent before. The main issue was to explain the reasons behind the EU decision to expand, as well as the conditions for the effective application of EU norms into the acceding countries. Most economic researchers predicted that the enlargement will contribute to the economic growth of acceding countries (although the transfer of regulatory norms in some cases could be considered to be suboptimal), and the EU as a whole. There was more uncertainty regarding the impact of the enlargement on the functioning of the EU and the compliance of the new members with the EU norms.
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Refleksje nad litewska polityka zagraniczna

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EN
The article deals with the fundamentals of Lithuanian foreign policy. It is an attempt to evaluate its foundations, principles, advantages and shortcomings. Author’s point of departure is a non -official paper “Lithuania’s Foreign Policy Concept” prepared by the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1994. Strategic goals of the Lithuanian foreign policy laid down in that document were the basis of the Lithuanian foreign policy making until the country joined the EU and NATO in 2004. Having supposedly attained those goals Lithuania adopted and proceeded to implement hastily the so -called “new Lithuanian foreign policy” conducted in 2004 -2009. Yet the author has serious doubts that the strategic goals of the Lithuanian foreign policy as defined in 1994 were fully achieved in 2004. The goals were three: (1) NATO, (2) EU, (3) good relations with neighbours. Yet Lithuania still is not a full -fledged member of either the EU or NATO. It is a mere newcomer. And its relations with Russia in 2004 -2009 got even worse than they were in the late nineties.
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September 5 - Twenty years after the resumption diplomatic relations between Lithuania and the Polish. It is a good opportunity not only for joint celebrations, but also to the summary of this period in recent history, both in the life of each country, as well as in bilateral relations. But I think that centuries-old history of the Lithuanian-Polish cooperation is so unique that to assess the current state of relations and forming a vision future should be at least a cursory glance over the pages of a more distant the past.
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The article presents the history of the cult of the state patron from the royal dynasty, and the sources and prototypes of the worshipping tradition of the holy rulers. Furthermore, the article seeks to answer the question whether the circumstances that had shaped the cults of the holy rulers in the 10th -12th and 16th -17th centuries could cause immense differences in the hagiography as well as iconography of the rulers, and analyses the ways in which the cult of Saint Prince Casimir of the Early Modern Times is similar to related medieval holy rulers. Political development of Lithuania during the 14th century was very similar to the growth of pagan states during earlier centuries. The Hungarians was the last Central European nation to have converted to Christianity. From the point of view of acceptance of Christianity in Hungary, the cult of St. Stephen was developing under the circumstances similar to the Lithuanian worshipping tradition of St. Casimir. The Christian world received the news that with the help of St. Casimir Catholicism took roots in the state where the seed of the Evangel had only recently sprouted. Baroque hagiography of St. Casimir took over the virtues that had been highlighted throughout the Middle Ages. The images, rhetoric figures and symbols that had taken shape in the Middle Ages were again emphasized, reiterated and used in his worshipping tradition. The article seeks to reveal the way how the worshipping of Prince Casimir acquired the features typical of state patrons, and how his cult integrated into the tradition of devotion to European holy rulers.
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