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EN
The asceticism of women was genuine during the period of late Antiquity. The few sources that are at our disposal reveal their energy, their character, their exceptional cultural creative power that differed from society, their ability to make innovative decisions on their own, and even their courage to embark on enormous economic operations that had an impact on society itself and that did not comply with then the current standards and content. Making use of prosopographical research we intend to demonstrate that female hermitage was a novelty and not a more radical kind of virginity and this in light of the fact that monasticism used to be based on virginity and widowhood.
EN
The goal of the article is to draw attention to the problem of correlation, to attempts to connect two seemingly very different worlds – namely, Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages. Included is the problem of reconstructing the social structures functioning in this period in the Balkans in the broad context of southeastern Europe. This problem has been discussed in relation to the area of Dalmatia, and the inspiration to write these comments came from the journal Studia Academica Šumenensia (SA Š) issued by the Department of History and Archaeology of the University of Shumen, Bulgaria. One of the articles published in the SA Š is a work by D. Dzino that deals with the problem of reconstructing the social structures of Dalmatia between the 6th and 9th centuries. In this paper we encounter another attempt to adopt the anthropological concept of ‘big man’ by Marshal-Sahlins.
EN
In this paper I examine Dracontius’ distinctiveness from other Latin and Greek poets writing epithalamia. He is not just another author of original wedding songs but surprises in many ways and can be found unusual even exploring a genre that did not have one well-defined model. To prove his unconventionality and uniqueness I firstly give a detailed analysis of both wedding songs by Dracontius I demonstrate the poet’s dependence upon earlier literature, explain the metaphors he used and discuss his reinterpretations of different themes introduced already by the poets before him. Then I add all my conclusions concerning Dracontius’ originality in comparison with his predecessors.
EN
The aim of the text entitled: Night Combat in Late Antiquity in the Light of Roman Military Treatises is to present the theory and practice of night combat in the 6th century. Based on source analysis (military treatises – mainly Strategicon, and Late Roman and Byzantine historiography), the author presented the theory and practice of night fighting. Apart from classical methods of analysis, the psychology of the battlefield was also used. This gives us a complete picture of how Byzantines use the night as an advantage on the battlefield.
EN
The so-called “Night Battle” of Singara (344 AD) still remains poorly studied historical event because of discrepancies between the sources. The outcome of the battle is described in them with considerable discrepancies too. The analysis of the sources from the point of view of the “classical theory of war” elaborated by C. Clausewitz, unambiguously demonstrates that the winning side in this battle were Persians.
EN
The question of Gregory’s of Tours awareness of the persuasive potential of his learning he demonstrates in his works is discussed. The Touronian bishop’s high evaluation of the erudition of other men is clearly shown and juxtaposed with his opinion concerning his linguistic competence. Gregory’s ability to embellish his style, being a sign of the literary training is demonstrated. His degree of acquaintance with the classical literature is assessed and his familiarity with Latin poetry is underlined. The literal meaning of his statements concerning classical literature as detrimental to a Christian soul is contrasted with the subtle and indirect play those statements engage his readers in; their implicit meaning is shown to contradict their direct significance. Various examples of Gregory’s efforts to display his erudition in the field of literature and his high degree of learning, including a fair number of erudite digressions are brought forth. Gregory’s unambiguous statement concerning the intention with which he inserted them into his text is evoked. Finally, the Touronian Bishop’s positive judgment about his audience’s capacity of properly evaluating the erudite content of his writing is demonstrated and corroborated with the external evidence provided by contemporary sources.
PL
W epoce antycznej ogromną popularnością cieszyła się koncepcja boskości ziemskich władców. Zjawisko to obserwujemy począwszy od eposów Homera, poprzez monarchię hellenistyczną, aż po Augusta i później, u pogańskich lub chrześcijańskich następców Dioklecjana. Rzymski poeta Klaudian nimbem boskości otacza przede wszystkim cesarza Honoriusza oraz jego najbliższego współpracownika Stylichona. Podczas gdy temu ostatniemu przypisuje „bliskość bogów” (Stil. III 130) i „boskie” serce (6 C.H. 233), samego cesarza obdarza często przydomkiem sacer oraz plasuje go na równi z Jowiszem (C.H. praef. 23). Wynika z tego przekonanie Klaudiana o boskości imperatora lub przynajmniej o jego związkach z boskością. W twórczości rzymskiego poety przejawy boskości bohaterów podzielić możemy na czynne i bierne. Wśród biernych wyróżniamy: piękno fizyczne, działania przyrody w najważniejszych chwilach panowania, świetlny blask, jaki bije od rządzących, apoteozę związaną z przeobrażeniem się w gwiazdy.W ujęciu Klaudiana uroda rządzących staje się ich pierwszym atrybutem; koresponduje ona z zaletami charakteru i walorami ducha. Co zaś tyczy się współudziału przyrody w podniosłych chwilach rządów, reprezentuje ona niejako siły boskie. I tak na przykład, gdy Wenus udaje się do Mediolanu na zaślubiny Honoriusza z Marią, pod wpływem tchnienia Akwilonu niebo nad Alpami zupełnie się rozchmurza (ep. 184–188). Podobnie natura wyraża też swą radość z powodu małżeństwa Stylichona z Sereną (Stil. I 84–88). Jeśli chodzi o światłość, bije ona już od samego Rzymu (6 C.H. 410–412). Blask rządzących nim porównuje natomiast Klaudian z blaskiem bijącym od planet, gwiazd i, co rzadkie w czasach twórcy, z poświatą księżycową. Wpływom orientalnym zawdzięczamy natomiast przyrównywanie emanacji sprawujących władzę do światła słonecznego.Przejaw boskości władców stanowi wreszcie u Klaudiana katasterismós – przemiana w gwiazdy. Ten typ apoteozy, zapoczątkowany w Grecji okresu klasycznego, zdobył sporą popularność także wśród Rzymian. Już Cyceron w Śnie Scypiona (Rep. VI 13) obiecywał wszak wielkim tego świata nieśmiertelność „astralną”. Autor Porwania Prozerpiny poświęca natomiast sporo miejsca gwiezdnej przyszłości cesarza Teodozjusza Wielkiego. Boskość bohaterów Klaudiana definiują ponadto aspekty czynne: wyjątkowy wpływ na zwycięstwo w trakcie trwania działań militarnych oraz wszelkie cuda i przepowiednie w okresie pokoju.Co tyczy się pierwszego z atutów, wyraża się on na przykład poprzez zdolność władcy do podporządkowania sobie wroga za sprawą samego pojawienia się w danym miejscu. Tak dzieje się chociażby w momencie, kiedy Stylichon jednym tylko spojrzeniem obezwładnia plemiona reńskie (4 C.H. 444–449). Poza polem walki wyjątkową moc rządzących podkreślają cuda oraz  przepowiednie; dzięki nim ludność może zorientować się, które z decyzji rządzących podobają się bogom, a które budzą ich sprzeciw. Obecność cudów i wróżb w poezji Klaudiana nie powinna dziwić, bowiem w IV wieku po Chrystusie wciąż jeszcze przywiązywano do nich wielką rolę.
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EN
In our age “without the emperor”, fascination with empires and with the emperor mystique continues. Take for witness Tolkien and his Return of the King, the third sequel of The Lord of the Rings, or the television serial Game of Thrones. In the background, of course, is the lingering memory of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, “a revolution which is still felt by all nations of the world”, to quote Edward Gibbon. It comes as a surprise that in this dramatic moment of its history, in times marked by political, economic and spiritual crisis that shook the very foundations of the Empire during the 3rd century, historians and art historians have recognized the revival of plebeian culture (arte plebea, kleinbürgerliche Kultur). It was the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, talking at the XI International Congress of the Historical Sciences in Stockholm in 1960, who introduced a new paradigm: the “democratization of culture”. In the light of the historical process in the late Roman Empire, when growing autocracy, bureaucracy, militarization and social tensions leave no doubt as to the real political character of the government, the new paradigm opened up fresh approaches to the phenomenon of decadence and decline of the Roman world. As such, it stands against traditional scenario of the “triumph of barbarism and Christianity”, which was made responsible for the fall of the Roman Empire and the eclipse of the classical civilization of ancient Greece and Rome. It is not by accident that the new paradigm appeared around the middle of the 20th century, at the time when European society itself underwent a kind of “democratization of culture”, faced with the phenomenon of mass culture and the need to find new ways of evaluating popular art. Today, more than anything else, the notion of “democratization of culture” in late Roman Empire forces us to acknowledge a disturbing correspondence between autocratic and populist forms of government. It may come as a shock to learn that the very emperors who went down in Roman history as villains and culprits (such as Caligula, Nero or Commodus), were sometimes considered the most “democratic” among Roman rulers. Do we need to feel certain unease at this historical parallel?
EN
Since the beginning of the investigations in the area of Khor Rori and at the site of Sumhuram, the easternmost outpost of the caravan kingdoms along the southern coast of the Arabian Peninsula, cultural material and architectural evidence seemed to exclude frequentation, both permanent and seasonal, during the Islamic period. Indeed, it was assumed that any form of occupation, which had begun in the second century BC, ceased in the fifth century AD, consistent with the historical, economic and cultural scenario that marked the end of the caravan kingdoms. However, discoveries made during more recent fieldwork, along with a critical reinterpretation of previously collected data, have clearly demonstrated the existence of a late occupation of the area, which can be tentatively dated to the Late Antique period in the case of the burials located nearby and to the Islamic period in the case of the reoccupation of the site. This paper will discuss the preliminary results of the re-analysis of the late evidence, focusing on the last architectural structures, the small finds and some of the pottery.
EN
The article reconstructs the military history of Persia under a Bahrām V Gōr, and points out the historical significance of his reign and campaigns as well as the importance of his military reforms – in particular the importance of the adoption of the new style of archery and cavalry tactics.
Electrum
|
2013
|
vol. 20
163–176
EN
The aim of this article is to draw attention to the need to intensify historical research on Herulian settlements in Byzantium under Emperors Anastasius and Justinian based on the analysis of written sources. The starting point for studying the history of the Heruli in Late Antiquity should be a historical analysis of the excursus devoted to them by Procopius of Caesarea in the book VI Wars. As a result of a historical analysis based on literal interpretation and critical examination, taking into account legal circumstances and the historical context, it can greatly contribute to our knowledge of Herulian history. To sum up the results of the conducted research, it is possible to give quite a precise description of the relations between the empire and the Heruli based on an analysis of the accounts of Procopius of Caesarea and Marcellinus Comes. In 512, Emperor Anastasius settled the tribe on the empire’s lands. Taking advantage of their diffi cult situation, he probably forced them into full subordination. It seems that the Heruli, deprived of their tribal organisation and striving to keep their independence, rebelled and attacked the Romans at the fi rst opportunity, i.e. ca. 514. The imperial army managed to defeat them as early as 515 or 516, and Anastasius refused to give them the status of allies, i.e. improve their position. In this situation it seems most likely that the empire completely broke its ties with the Heruli and the tribe left the empire’s lands. At this stage of the analysis it is diffi cult to determine to what extent Procopius was aware of the nuances of Anastasius’ policy, as his account of the Herulian migration in search of new lands is very brief and schematic. All the details he provides, apart from the information about the Heruli crossing the Danube River on their own initiative, are in complete agreement with the reconstruction of events based on Marcellinus Comes’ mention. Only after completing the analysis of Procopius’ whole account on the Heruli will it be possible to formulate conclusions about its reliability and the sources he used.
EN
In this paper I examine Dracontius’ poem De raptu Helenae to prove his unconventionality and originality inpresenting a well-known myth. He analyses the story of the judgement of Paris from the legal point of viewusing professional, legal vocabulary. At the same time he takes into account also the moral and Christian dilemmasand thereby he finds completely new aspects and interpretations, ignored by previous poets.
EN
In this paper, three Coptic ostraca, which all most probably originate in the Theban area, are edited. The texts are all epistolary in nature. It is probable that all three stem from a monastic environment; ostensibly no. 1 relates to the Epiphanius Monastery, while no. 2 comes from the dossier belonging to the Monastery of Phoibammon. The latter piece concerns an argument about the appointment of a shepherd, thus providing another witness to the economic activities of the mentioned institution. No. 3 concerns a delivery of an unnamed commodity kept in sacks.
EN
The present paper discusses the person and literary achievements of Claudianus Mamertus as seen by his fellow writer and friend, Sidonius Apollinaris. In his extant writings, Sidonius presents a sympathetic and, indeed, impressive image of his friend as both a devout member of the Christian community and an outstanding intellectual. Both the letters to Mamertus and the eulogy written after his death testify to the friendship between the two writers, and the intellectual, spiritual, and personal qualities of Claudianus Mamertus. Sidonius’ works concerning Mamertus are often analysed to underscore the philosophical and theological character of Mamertus’ work; yet their elegant form and their deep connection to cultural tradition deserves also an analysis from a more aesthetic, literary point of view.
EN
The question of the religious other is discussed from the perspective Gregory of Tours himself would have identified with: namely, that of eternal salvation (a necessary prerequisite for which is embracing the Catholic doctrine) or condemnation Arians, Jews and Catholics lapsed into heresy shall eventually face. Gregory’s portrayal of the followers of Arius (who, according to him, not only cannot be called Christians, but follow in footsteps of pagan Roman persecutors of Christianity) is discussed; the futility of theological debate as a mean to influence those non‑Trinitarians is showed and the miraculous is stressed as the only effective tool of gaining them for the Church. Secondly, the question of Jews in Gregory’s narrative: their loss of the chosen people status, their inability to read the Old Testament Christologically and their not partaking in the miraculous that proved so decisive for the conversion of Arians is stressed; the political pressure of secular and ecclesiastical authorities is presented as the only, albeit ineffective, way of integrating members of the Jewish community into the Church. Finally, the learned heresies produced by the Church elite, that can be effectively addressed by employing the theological discourse and hierarchical admonition, are contrasted with the unrest caused among common people by popular prophets challenging the Church authority and her monopoly on the miraculous.
EN
The destruction of pagan temples and/or their conversion to churches during the Late Antiquity have been the subject of much study and speculation. For a long period debate on this topic was shaped chiefly by various literary accounts, while archaeological data were somewhat neglected. The purpose of this article is to provide some observations on this issue from a strictly archaeological perspective. The occasion for this are the results of the Polish excavations at Hippos-Sussita. A large basilica that has been unearthed there was built directly on the remains of an earlier Roman temple. The first section of the paper presents elements of the Roman temple which have been identified in various parts of the church area. The second part briefly discusses the other sites in Palestine which have yielded archaeological evidence of churches built over pagan temples.
EN
This article collates the evidence of coin hoards from Palmyra in order to reflect on the causes behind some of the most dramatic events that befell the city in Late Antiquity and early Islam. After having stressed the importance of coin hoards as sources to reconstruct the city’s past by looking at a couple of examples dated to the fourth century AD, the article moves on to the early Islamic period. It argues that the unusual concentration of coin hoards dated to the second half of the seventh century suggests that the city underwent a period of unrest at that time and reflects on the causes that might have triggered it.
EN
The preliminary results of a comprehensive survey of Sīnīya Island in the Khawr al-Bayḍāʾ of Umm al-Quwain are presented here. The onset of human occupation remains to be confirmed, with scarce evidence for limited activity in the late pre-Islamic period (LPI, c. 300 BC – AD 300). The first major phase of occupation dates to the seventh and eighth centuries (early Islamic period) when a monastery and settlement were established in the north-east of the island. Probably the peak occupation falls between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when the stone-town of Old Umm al-Quwain 1 was built, followed by the eighteenth to early nineteenth century when the settlement moved to neighbouring Old Umm al-Quwain 2. The town was destroyed by the British in 1820 and moved to the facing tidal island, where Old Umm al-Quwain 3 (the modern city of the same name) developed. This resulted in an emptying of the landscape, and Sīnīya Island was little visited in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, except for the estate of the ruling Āl Muʿallā represented by the Mallāh Towers.
EN
The present study brings to light a new Sasanian mace in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, England, acquired in 1971 from the Bomford Collection. The bronze mace head is in the shape of three ram heads, has an iron shaft, and a bronze pommel in the shape of a hand holding a ball. The mace incorporates several important decorative motifs – the ram heads which can be linked to the royal farr and to Central Asian visual language; the pearl necklace which is another symbol of the royal farr, and the triple dot motif which may have links to the star Tishtriya, to Apam Napat, or to Buddhist symbolism. In addition to these elements there is the hand motif, whose meaning is still unknown but might be linked to Asian symbolic hand gestures. The mace or scepter was an important element of royalty and of religion in Iran and Central Asia and the example in the Ashmolean museum is an important addition in the study of Iranian visual language and royal image in the specific context of Indo-Iranian mutual influence. In the present authors' opinion, the present mace is likely to date, based on relations with other objects, from the 5th - 7th Centuries and is likely to originate from Eastern-Iran or is rooted in Eastern-Iranian artistic tradition.
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