Search results

1

Użytecznosć w systemie etyki Johna Stuarta Milla

100%

Kundera E.

Studia Ekonomiczne

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2014

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vol. 180 cz 1

127-135

EN

John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) liberal and utilitarianist, recognized utility (happiness) for the basic criterion of ethical behavior. Responsibility of the unit was increased prosperity, which required additional conditions: the liberal democratic state, guaranteeing the freedom and equality of opportunity and for the submission by the intellectual needs of material desires. J.S. Mill' thesis timeliness preserved till today.

2

Public diplomacy and cooperation with non-governmental organizations in the liberal perspective of international relations

88%

Broś N.

Journal of Education Culture and Society

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2017

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vol. 8

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issue 1

11-22

EN

This article discusses the issue of state cooperation with non-governmental organizations in public diplomacy. This has been explored in relation to the liberal perspective in international relations, which very clearly highlights the importance of NGOs as an influential participant in world politics. The article contains an analysis of the international system, categorizes the roles and functions of NGOs in international relations. It shows concepts on contemporary understanding of power and a clear focus on reinforcing and using components of soft power, including public diplomacy, in moden international relations. Methodological aspects are deepened by an analytical layer exploring Civil Society 2.0 Program, what is an example of an effective combination of diplomatic efforts between the state and NGOs to achieve common goals.

3

Ewolucja tożsamości Europejczyków w XXI wieku

88%

Łukaszewicz A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

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vol. 3

9-24

EN

The aim of this article is to describe the evolution of identity within European societies in the 21st century driven by two factors that overlap – migration crisis of 2015 and globalization as well as the impact of these two factors on the European liberal economic and political model. The aforementioned processes have generated several negative effects and as a result they have put to test the elaborate and long-time project of United Europe. Particular nations started to loudly express their concerns and objections regarding the rules governing economic relations and the ways of dealing with migration issues. The multidimensional sense of insecurity has inspired a pan-European dispute with questions regarding areas and scope of unity, sovereignty etc. Some turbulence in identity of European nations has been observed leading to different changes in perception of identity including recurrence of seemingly long forgotten definitions of national identity. One can even say that the future success of the EU project has become dependent on the problem of European identity. This article is an attempt to analyze the impact of aforementioned factors on the identity of European societies.

4

Christianity and Political Democracy in the Middle Ages and Modern Times

88%

Brăilean T., Plopeanu A.-P.

Human and Social Studies

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2013

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vol. 2

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issue 2

119-137

EN

Today there is a fruitful dispute between secularists and those who argue the compatibility between Christianity, with its religious precepts and intrinsic system of ethical values, and the liberal democracy. The second group is however hopelessly wrong, as much as the first. This endeavor is epistemologically wrong and the argument is pretty simple. The institutions of divine right, such as the Church or family, shall be subject to the single principle or hierarchy of being, that goes beyond the narrow human consciousness and action. From this perspective, these institutions may be called undemocratic or they do not respect the ideology of inalienable human rights, as formulated at the present time.

5

JACOB’s LADDER: Reason, Liberty and Science. The Contribution of Freemasonry to the Enlightenment

88%

Calance M.

Human and Social Studies

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2014

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vol. 3

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issue 2

111-136

EN

The theme of the article relies to the particular contribution of Freemasonry in the initiation and development of modernity, focusing on science, religion and politics. We know that, during the late Middle Ages, the European society was obedient to the „Church-Tradition-Monarchy” trinity; this status-quo collapsed due to the rational way of thinking; also the establishment of the universal human rights belongs to the Enlightenment, whose theses were supported mainly by Freemasons. Many researchers have proposed to show the extent to which Freemasonry helped to build the ideals of Enlightenment. The main conclusions that can be drawn, by analyzing their tracks, are: (1) All famous leaders of the Enlightenment had connections to Freemasonry; (2) The Enlightenment tenets overlap Freemasonry tenets, and, therefore they were supported and propagated by English, French, and American lodges; (3) Freemasonry progressively turned into a transnational vehicle for liberal thinking, disseminating the concepts of property and freedom in Europe and across the Atlantic.

6

Navzdory své rétorice liberál? K MacIntyrově politice společného dobra

75%

Tomaštík J., Baroš J.

Studia theologica

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2022

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vol. 1

103-127

EN

The aim of the article is to present and criticise the political thought of Alasdair MacIntyre, one of the most renowned contemporary moral philosophers. This eminent representative of the Aristotelian‑Thomistic tradition is a strong opponent of the modern state, which he does not consider to be an appropriate place for his favoured politics of the common good. He proposes the politics of local communities as his alternative. The article criticises his alternative by focusing on the premises of his understanding of the concept of the common good. In several steps, there is an attempt to deminstrate how his conceptualisation is not completely faithful to his own Aristotelian‑Thomistic tradition. Moreover, his politics of local communities remains deeply vulnerable to the liberal politics of the modern state. As a matter of fact, despite his scorching criticism of liberalism, MacIntyrean politics is in its consequences paradoxically liberal.

7

Ideological Factor in Mass Communication: Historical and Theoretical Aspects

75%

Lylo T.

Social Communication. Online Journal

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2016

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issue 1(13)

13-19

EN

The article examines the communication nature of ideology, its capacity to serve as a mediator between ideological principles (theory) and political practice. Apart from that, the author shows that the basic paradigms of communication research are ideologically marked and the dominant paradigm is based on the values of liberal democracy, while representatives of the alternative research paradigm mainly attempt at exposing the inadequacy of liberal pluralist ideology.

8

Wolny wybór versus przedsiębiorcze państwo

75%

Jodko M.

Studia Ekonomiczne

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2018

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vol. 349

76-85

PL

Spór o rolę rynku i państwa w gospodarce trwa od początków ukształtowania się ekonomii jako nauki. Nurt liberalny, począwszy od Adama Smitha, jednoznacznie optował na rzecz rynku i wolności rynkowej jako fundamentu systemu ekonomicznego. Podobne stanowisko prezentuje najwybitniejszy przedstawiciel dwudziestowiecznego liberalizmu – Milton Friedman. Twórca doktryny interwencjonizmu państwowego, John Maynard Keynes, dokonał zamiany ról państwa i rynku. Kwestionując skuteczność niewidzialnej ręki rynku, uznał państwo za głównego gwaranta równowagi makroekonomicznej. Nową wersją spojrzenia na państwo i rynek jest uznanie ich komplementarności. Taki pogląd prezentuje Mariana Mazzucato, formułując koncepcję państwa przedsiębiorczego realizującego wizję ekonomicznego rozwoju we współpracy z sektorem prywatnym.

EN

The dispute on the role of market and state in economy has been present since economics started to be regarded as science. The liberal approach dating back to Adam Smith explicitly opted for market and market freedom as the foundation of any economic system. A similar opinion is presented by Milton Friedman, the most prominent representative of 20th century liberalism. The author of state interventionism doctrine, John Maynard Keynes, changed the roles of the state and the market. By questioning the role of the „invisible hand”, he recognized the state as the main guarantor of the economic balance. The recognition of the complementary nature of state and the market constitutes a new perception of the two. This approach is presented by Mariana Mazzucato who forms the concept of the entrepreneurial state which realizes the vision of economic development through co-operation with the private sector.

9

Východisko viery vo verejnom diskurze

75%

Rončáková T.

Studia theologica

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2018

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vol. 4

113-139

EN

Religious arguments are often used in public debates affecting morality. The author asks, if this starting point of faith is inevitable, and what effective communication forms of this kind should be like. The research questions she discusses, within the case study of the Slovak referendum about family, sparked a heated public debate. Working on her former analysis of topics and arguments in media discourse, she creates in-depth interviews with prominent journalists. She has identified two key argumentative foundations – the problem of naturalness and the rejection of manipulation – functioning as bases for absolutely different convictions. Their vector depends on personal religious faith, thus on accepting God´s authority. Believers find the abandonment of God´s plan extremely dangerous and non-believers do not sense any plan by God ergo any lapse from it, ergo any danger. The author demonstrates that it is impossible to skip the religious starting point in such situations. The way out of the seeming irreconcilability between faith and non-faith based convictions is in distinguishing the communication recipient: “hard” form for politically active opponents – and “soft” forms for more politically passive fellow citizens – are effective. To discover the appropriate soft communicative means (thus the means of new evangelization) seems to be the key challenge for current religious communicators.

10

Zápas o člověka. Česká katolická publicistika v letech 1945‒1948 mezi marxismem a liberalismem

75%

Macek P.

Studia theologica

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2023

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vol. 2

127-146

EN

The article presents the approach of Catholic journalism towards cultural, social and political issues as can be found in Catholic periodicals from the years 1945‒1948. One of the main characteristics of this approach is its focus on personal human dignity and its connection to the fact of the creation and redemption of the human person. Personal dignity forms an opposition towards the reductive approach of modern ideologies, which are understood as an instrumental construction of humanity leading to the limitation of the uniqueness and richness of human life. The critique of ideology is not anchored in an unambiguous left‑ or right‑wing political orientation. Catholic authors are also critical for the liberal and Marxist vision of social and political life. The way out of ideologized thinking is therefore found in the richness and depth of the religious, Christian tradition.

11

Racjonalność, efektywność i etyka w koncepcji społecznej gospodarki rynkowej

75%

Przybyciński T.

Studia Ekonomiczne

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2014

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vol. 180 cz 1

173-182

EN

The concept of a social market economy has both liberal and Christian roots. That is why it is aimed at rationality, effectiveness and ethics.

12

“Post-Liberalism”, Anti-Clericalism And Yugoslav Nationalism Slovene Progressive Political Camp in the Interwar Period and Contemporary Czech politics

75%

Mulej O.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2014

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vol. 6

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issue 1

65-93

EN

The political landscape of Slovene lands as it developed by the World War I. was distinguished by the dominant position of political Catholicism. “Progressives” as the second most important political force lagged far behind in terms of popular support and the gap between the two even broadened during interwar. Moreover, the progressive camp faced disintegration after 1918, which was also not surmounted during 1930s despite the renewed but politically conditioned unity of all the major strains of progressive politics inside one party. The core group of the progressive camp gathered around Gregor Žerjav and Albert Kramer united the most vocal advocates of Yugoslav national idea in Slovene part of Yugoslavia. The reasons ranged from practical considerations, connected to the persistent domestic struggle with the Catholic camp, to more substantial ones. These included belief in a necessity of a strong state, as well as a sincere persuasion that amalgamation into a unified Yugoslav nation represented a new, necessary and higher developmental stage for Slovenes. During the 1930s their Yugoslav nationalist radicalized further and included militant rhetoric. The two main denominators of Slovene progressives during the interwar period continued to be nationalism and anti-clericalism. The centrality of struggle against “clericalism,” marked an important difference between progressives and their counterparts in the more secularized Czech context. On the other hand the appeal to the national idea, as well as propensity toward integral nationalism distinguished both the Slovene and the Czech interwar national liberal heirs.

13

O zapowiedzi końca leseferyzmu przedstawionej w pamflecie J.M. Keynesa

75%

Giza W.

Studia Ekonomiczne

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2018

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vol. 349

67-75

PL

Celem artykułu jest analiza idei końca leseferyzmu na przykładzie pamfletu J.M. Keynesa przedstawionego w 1926 r. W opracowaniu podjęto próbę rekonstrukcji głównych argumentów za ograniczeniem wolności gospodarczej formułowanych na początku XX w. Zgodnie z przyjętą tezą, argumentacja zaprezentowana przez J.M. Keynesa w głównej mierze ma charakter etyczno-normatywny. Jest ona ukierunkowana na poszukiwanie nowych rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, mogących uzyskać szeroką aprobatę społeczną.

EN

The aim of the study is to analyze the idea of the end of laissez-faire on the example of J.M. Keynes’s pamphlet, which was presented in 1926. The paper attempts to reconstruct the main arguments for the restriction of economic freedom formulated at the beginning of the 20th century. According to the accepted thesis, the arguments presented by J.M. Keynes are primarily ethical and normative. It focuses on searching new institutional solutions that can gain broad social approval.

14

Kultura – gospodarka. Przestrzeń dla humanistów

63%

Wieruszewska M.

Etnografia Polska

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2012

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vol. 56

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issue 1-2

143-156

EN

This article relates to the attempt of finding the common framework for the complex relation: culture – economy. The article consists of two main parts entitled: “From the perspective of ‘strangeness’ of culture and economy” and “In search of common platform for culture and economy”. The first part includes the concept of individuality presented by Friedrich Hayek. His view on two kinds of individualism presented in philosophical thought, so called “right” and “false”, in the opinion of author of article, can help to weaken the sharp opposition between individual and social context. The author points on collision in system of values between traditional local habits and contemporary market rules. The second part of the text provides for tangent lines between culture and economy. She appreciates methods of ethnology (tool box) useful in empirical exploration of mutual relations between man and his activity.

15

Krize liberální demokracie a pojem společného dobra

63%

Baroš J.

Studia theologica

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2018

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vol. 2

129-149

EN

According to Pierre Manent, an eminent French Catholic political philosopher and a disciple of Leo Strauss, the concept of the common good has lost all its intelligibility in contemporary French society. It has been replaced by an emphasis on the concept of human rights. Human rights as such are not able, however, to serve as a viable basis for a political society. A similar analysis can be found in other Christian authors: for instance, vis-à-vis the crisis of contemporary liberal democracies, the main representatives of the so-called Radical Orthodoxy movement, John Milbank and Adrian Pabst, plead for the return of the politics of the common good. What is missing, however, in the works of these contemporary scholars is a systematic analysis of the concept of the common good as such. Up until now, the most elaborate analysis of this concept was developed by the Catholic scholars, Charles De Koninck and Yves R. Simon, during the 1940s and 1950s. Following their example, the article attempts to elucidate this key concept of political philosophy and Catholic social doctrine. In its first part, after an overview of the two basic meanings of the concept of the common good in Catholic social doctrine, the article analyzes the different facets of De Koninck´s magisterial treatise on the common good. Due to the many more metaphysical interests of De Koninck, the article argues that his concept of the common good must be supplemented by the much more politically focused analysis of Yves R. Simon. This eminent Thomist emphasized the connection between the concept of the (political) common good with the possibility of common action. The article finally offers a thorough reconstruction of the foundations of this neglected tradition of political thought which paradoxically could be seen as an (at least partial) possible cure for the current crises of liberal democratic political regimes.

16

New Division Lines in the European Union: How to Cope with Them?

63%

Góralczyk B.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

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vol. 4

9-21

EN

The situation in the European Union (the EU) is undergoing in recent years a very dynamic, if not dramatic, change. During the process current liberal mainstream has found itself under growing pressure of many antiestablishment forces, mainly of far-right, more and more frequently described as (what depend from the perspective of the analysis) as "counterrevolutionary” or “revolutionary change”. What are the reasons of those deep social and political controversies in the EU and what they can produce? Author of this study is coming to conclusion, that multiple crises need creative thinking. It is already more than obvious that Europe now is facing many complicated problems to be resolved. Especially by those, who are concerned about the future of the EU and its member states. Because, if they will not fi nd a solution, their “populist” and “nationalist” opponents will prevail.

17

Katolické výhrady vůči liberálnímu chápání svobody a sociálního řádu

63%

Baroš J.

Studia theologica

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2021

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issue 2

79-100

EN

This article is a contribution to the recurrent debates on the (in)compatibility between Catholic and liberal tradition. It focuses on the differences between these traditions concerning their conceptual foundations: liberty and, more extensively, social order. In the first part, the article characterizes the most important doctrinal elements of liberal and Catholic political theory. In liberal tradition, the emphasis is upon normative and ontological individualism and the primacy of individual liberty. Catholic social ontology offers a rich understanding of social order where it differentiates between partnerships and communities. This is linked to the specific conceptualization of the common good which is more robustly conceived than in its liberal counterparts. In the second part, the article delineates the different meanings of liberty in contemporary liberal political theory. It demonstrates that the Catholic tradition unambiguously prefers the positive concept of liberty. Next, it dialectically moves to the concept of autonomy. Some versions of autonomy are closer to the Catholic tradition than others, but overall, the Catholic conception is based on a richer metaphysical foundation that links liberty with participation in the common good. The article culminates with D. C. Schindler’s metaphysical criticism of the basic building blocks of liberal thought, which explains the reasons why the liberal conception of the common good cannot accommodate its Catholic counterpart.

18

Return of History or Anti-liberal Revolution

63%

Góralczyk B.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

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2016

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issue 19

11-34

EN

The European Union, a unique entity on the global scene, is at a crossroads. The original blueprint to create a supranational entity is broken, under the pressure of the constitutional crisis (2005) and later the economic and financial one (the spectre of Grexit). The process sped up in 2014, when external security appeared on the agenda, followed by an unprecedented migrant wave coming to the EU in 2015. As a result, former Euroenthusiasm has been replaced by Euroskeptic forces, mostly of populist or nationalist nature, which was strongly confi rmed by the British Brexit vote in June 2016. Those accumulated crises brought about many new division lines within the EU, well defined in this study – of political, economic, social, and even religious or cultural nature. The liberal mainstream, which has been dominant until recently, is retreating, while ‘illiberal democracy’, however it is understood, or even authoritarian solutions, are starting to flourish. This is an extraordinary era when the entire project of European integration is at stake. Time to react and sacrifice a lot to save it, if we do not want to retreat under the new challenges surrounding us. According to the author, the EU can be saved, even if it will be different than before.

19

Rozum, wartości, polis w świecie nowożytnej nicości

63%

Kaute W. M.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2021

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vol. 12

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issue 38

71-92

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: To present a fundamental problem in European culture and civilization. It is a matter of answering the question regarding the relationship between the polis and the world of values. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The modern world, or postmodernity, gives the impression of total chaos. It is chaos within the sphere of principles governing human cooperation, within the sphere of values. It is there that two nonidentical and centuriesold traditions of thought collide. The article presents dilemmas stemming from this situation. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: It is necessary to frame the problem within the context of the history of ideas. Socrates laid the foundation for the “spirit” of Europe. His position was expressed in the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle. The world of values exists objectively. At the dawn of modernity, with Descartes’ thought, the starting point for thinking about the principles of collective life is the Self. This position is developed in the thought of Hobbes and Locke – liberal thought. This position is criticized by Rousseau and Kant. Their opposition will also create the premises for thinking in totalitarian categories (Marx). RESEARCH RESULTS: Modern reflection on the world of values within the sphere of the polis is a return to Locke’s thought; a commonsense apology of liberalism. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The position presented in this article indicates that in discussions on modern culture’s axiological chaos, it is necessary to frame the problem against the back‑ drop of a broadly-understood spectrum of ideas. The goal is to create awareness that though this “breakthrough” of modernity and “spirit” of Enlightenment played an essential role in scientific progress, their initialization of thought in the categories of the autonomous and sovereign individual simultaneously created premises leading to the individual being left alone; becoming stuck in a world of nothingness.

PL

CEL NAUKOWY: Przedstawienie podstawowego problemu kultury i cywilizacji europejskiej. Jest to kwestia odpowiedzi na pytanie o relację: polis a świat wartości. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Świat współczesny, określany mianem czasu postnowożytnego, stwarza wrażenie totalnego chaosu. Jest to, w istocie, chaos w sferze zasad współżycia ludzi między sobą, w sferze wartości. Tu zaś zderzają się dwie – jak wolno sądzić – nie tożsame orientacje myślenia, mające wielowiekową tradycję. Jedna, to stanowisko metafizycznego realizmu; u podstaw drugiej tkwi myślenie ukształtowane w głównej mierze u progu czasów nowożytnych – jest to cogito. W artykule przedstawiono dylematy, jakie wiążą się z tą sytuacją kultury. PROCES WYWODU: Jeżeli chce się sięgnąć do istoty tej problematyki, trzeba ją ująć w kontekście historii idei. Podstawy „ducha” Europy stworzył Sokrates. Jego stanowisko znalazło wyraz w filozofii Platona i Arystotelesa. Świat wartości istnieje obiektywnie. U progu czasów nowożytnych wraz z wystąpieniem Kartezjusza punktem wyjścia w myśleniu o zasadach życia zbiorowego jest Ja. To stanowisko znajdzie rozwinięcie w myśli Th. Hobbesa i J. Locke´a. I to jest myśl liberalna. Jest Ja i rynek. To stanowisko zostanie poddane krytyce przez J.J. Rousseau i I. Kanta. Opozycja wobec doktryny liberalizmu stworzy także przesłanki do myślenia w kategoriach totalitaryzmu (K. Marks). WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Współczesna refleksja nad światem wartości w sferze polis to, w rzeczy samej, powrót do myśli Locke´a; zdrowo‑ rozsądkowej apologii liberalizmu. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Zaprezentowane w artykule stanowisko wskazuje, iż w dyskusjach nad chaosem aksjologicznym współczesnej kultury istnieje konieczność ujęcia tej problematyki na tle szerokiego spectrum idei. Idzie tu przede wszystkim o świadomość tego, iż „przełom” nowożytny, jak i „duch” Oświecenia, inicjując myślenie w kategoriach autonomicznej i suwerennej jednostki, choć odegrały istotną rolę w postępie naukowym, jednocześnie stworzyły przesłanki, prowadzące do pozostawienia jednostki samej sobie; utkwienia w świecie nicości.

20

International Approaches to the Crisis in Ukraine

63%

Opoka I.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2016

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vol. 2

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issue 2

73-102

EN

The crisis in Ukraine is one of the greatest challenges for international community, especially for Euro-Atlantic area ((EAA) USA and the EU).The political tension, caused by the annexation of the part of Ukraine, the Crimea, has inclined the experts to talk about the beginning of the new Cold War between Russia and the West. Evidently this crisis has an international character, complexity, and different levels. At least, there are “the West vs Russia”, “Ukraine vs Russia”, and “Ukraine vs Ukraine” levels. Naturally complexity determined different propositions of the conflict solution among scientists and decision makers. The article explores the conflict using the international relation theories as hallmarks of approaches to the crisis and SWOT-analysis and comparative method as tools of analysis. The liberal, realist, and constructivist approaches to the crisis are distinguished. Every approach has special propositions for the solution of the crisis. These propositions based on the set of beliefs which are involved by the approach. The liberal way of resolving foresees economical assistant to Ukraine, cooperation with Russia and Ukrainian neutrality. The realist approach admits Russian right to renew spheres of influence and sees Ukraine as a buffer state in a future. The constructivists approach to the crisis considers EU membership of Ukraine as a recipe of the solution.

Refine search results

Użytecznosć w systemie etyki Johna Stuarta Milla

Public diplomacy and cooperation with non-governmental organizations in the liberal perspective of international relations

Ewolucja tożsamości Europejczyków w XXI wieku

Christianity and Political Democracy in the Middle Ages and Modern Times

JACOB’s LADDER: Reason, Liberty and Science. The Contribution of Freemasonry to the Enlightenment

Navzdory své rétorice liberál? K MacIntyrově politice společného dobra

Ideological Factor in Mass Communication: Historical and Theoretical Aspects

Wolny wybór versus przedsiębiorcze państwo

Východisko viery vo verejnom diskurze

Zápas o člověka. Česká katolická publicistika v letech 1945‒1948 mezi marxismem a liberalismem

Racjonalność, efektywność i etyka w koncepcji społecznej gospodarki rynkowej

“Post-Liberalism”, Anti-Clericalism And Yugoslav Nationalism Slovene Progressive Political Camp in the Interwar Period and Contemporary Czech politics

O zapowiedzi końca leseferyzmu przedstawionej w pamflecie J.M. Keynesa

Kultura – gospodarka. Przestrzeń dla humanistów

Krize liberální demokracie a pojem společného dobra

New Division Lines in the European Union: How to Cope with Them?

Katolické výhrady vůči liberálnímu chápání svobody a sociálního řádu

Return of History or Anti-liberal Revolution

Rozum, wartości, polis w świecie nowożytnej nicości

International Approaches to the Crisis in Ukraine