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Dobra starość zamożnej kobiety w okresie republiki (A good old age of a wealthy woman in the Roman Republic)

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Dziuba A.
Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae
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2014
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vol. 24
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issue 2
45-55
PL
The authors of antique literary texts referring to the Roman Republic gave their attention to women inconsiderably. They were convinced, that woman’ space , according to the ancestors’rules, was a house (domus Romana). Despite of this opinion there are some references to old women in antique testimonia, both Greek and Latin. We can find there few mentions about Veturia, mother of Coriolanus, Cornelia, mother of Cracchi, Terentia, the wife of Marcus Tullius Cicero and Caerellia, the friend of orator. These information allow us to draw an optimistic conclusion regarding to the old woman’ status in Republican Rome. Indeed, we should declare that all of them were born in the upper class (nobilitas) and their familie were wealthy. These four women live during their old age independently, without the care of their male relatives. Probably all of them were widows. Veturia and Cornelia lost sons involved in politics of Rome. Terentia supplied her son Marcus in money. Although their Male relatives were in serious troubles, women did not bear any consequences because of it. They still were living in their splendid house, run rich estate and spent leisure hours Reading books from private libraries and meeting friends.They were persons of good reputation. Most important of all, Veturia’s behaviour and Cornelia’s way of life led to build a parenetic legend about these antique heroins.
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„Odkrycie” kodeksu Liwiusza z kościoła św. Piotra i Pawła w Legnicy na tle tradycji rękopiśmiennej Ab urbe condita i jego echa w prasie brytyjskiej w 1870 r.

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Broda M.
Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka
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2019
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vol. 74
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issue 3
5-26
EN
The work Ab urbe condita by Roman historian Titus Livius originally consisted of 142 books, of which 35 survived until today. Beginning in the Renaissance period, humanists and ancient historians persisted in attempts to find the lost books; once in a while, news of actual or alleged discoveries appeared. Author of the article presents the alleged discovery of Livius codex by historian Hermann Kraffert in 1870 in Legnica, compared with the manuscript tradition of this work. Publicity surrounding the aforementioned “discovery” appeared in press around the world; in the article, that media attention presented on the example of British press.
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Tyta Liwiusza „Dzieje rzymskie” hrabiego Ossolińskiego. Pierwszy polski przekład Ab urbe condita

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Dziuba A.
In Gremium. Studia nad Historią, Kulturą i Polityką
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2018
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vol. 12
49-60
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony pierwszemu, niekompletnemu przekładowi na język polski dzieła Ab Urbe condita Tytusa Liwiusza . Tłumaczem był niewidomy hrabia, Józef Maksymilian Ossoliński, absolwent jezuickiego Collegium Nobilium w Warszawie . W kontekście uwag zamieszczonych we wstępie do swego przekładu, tłumacz jawi się jako osoba w pełni świadoma trudności, jakie mogą pojawić się w trakcie pracy . Jednocześnie jego poglądy na tłumaczenie korespondują z tymi, które głosili teoretycy i praktycy sztuki przekładu polskiego Oświecenia . Przeprowadzona w artykule analiza porównawcza trzech fragmentów oryginalnego tekstu Liwiusza i przekładu Ossolińskiego pokazuje słabe strony oświeceniowego tłumaczenia: długie, zawiłe zdania, nadużywanie archaizmów, stosowanie kwiecistych metafor oraz wzbogacanie treści oryginalnej . Chociaż sam przekład nie odpowiada dzisiejszym standardom, to jednak warto docenić trud Ossolińskiego . Ociemniały hrabia podjął się pracy nad przekładem nie tylko, by „pogodzić się” z kalectwem, ale też ze względów patriotycznych . Chciał pokazać młodzieży piękno i bogactwo języka polskiego w okresie fascynacji językiem i kulturą francuską .
EN
This article is devoted to the first, incomplete, Polish translation of Livy’s Ab Urbe condita . The translation was done by the blind count Józef Maksymilian Ossoliński, alumnus of Jesuitic Collegium Nobilium in Warsaw . Considering the comments in the preface directed to a reader, the translator appears to be a mindful person aware of difficulties of his work . Nevertheless, his ‘translatoric operations’ fully coincide with the translation theory . The comparative analysis of the three arbitrarily chosen excerpts of Livy’s Ab Urbe condita shows the weak points of translators craft, which are: an overuse of archaic words, building too long sentences, using flowery metaphors . Although, the translation itself doesn’t live up to the modern translatoric standards, it is important to acknowledge the validity of Ossoliński’s work . As he writes in the preface, Polish historians aim was to fight for a restitution and preservation of a language purity . Through his translation Ossoliński wanted to show the richness and beauty of Polish language to his readers .
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Conditores Urbis Romae, Liwiusz i rzymskie numizmaty

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Kluczek A. A.
In Gremium. Studia nad Historią, Kulturą i Polityką
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2018
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vol. 12
61-80
PL
Titus Livius, opisując monument wystawiony przez Ogulnii w 296 roku p .n .e . ad ficum Ruminalem , w odniesieniu do dzieci pokazanych przy wilczycy użył pojęcia conditores Urbis . To jeden z bardzo rzadkich przykładów użycia tego terminu przez historyka w Ab Urbe condita . Określenie w taki sposób bohaterów monumentu Ogulniuszów ma analogię w treści dedykacji zabytku (Marti invicto patri et aeternae urbis suae conditoribus), z którego zachowała się tylko baza z inskrypcją z czasów cesarza Maksencjusza (306–312) . Te dwa pomniki – pierwszy niezachowany, a zapewne zilustrowany na didrachmie RRC 20, drugi, o zaledwie domniemanej kompozycji – stanowią oprawę dla obecności przedstawienia grupy Lupa Romana w mennictwie rzymskim . Niewykluczone, że wyobrażenia te odzwierciedlają trwanie tradycji o niezbędnej roli obu braci, i Remusa, i Romulusa, w założeniu Rzymu, conditio Urbis .
EN
In a description of a monument erected ad ficum Ruminalem by Ogulnii in 296 BC, T . Livius used the term conditores Urbis in reference to children who appear with the she-wolf . This is one of very rare examples of the use of this term by the historian in the Ab urbe condita . Such reference to the protagonists of the monument of the Ogulnii manifests an analogy in the content of the dedication of the monument (Marti invicto patri et aeternae urbis suae conditoribus), of which only the base with an inscription which dates back to the reign of emperor Maxentius (306–312) is preserved . These two monuments, the first of which was not preserved, and which is supposedly presented on the RRC 20 didrachm, the second of which (whose composition is merely a matter of conjecture) – constitute a framework for the occurrence of the presentation of the Lupa Romana group in Roman mintage . One may not rule out the possibility that these representations reflect the continuity of the tradition about the necessary role of both brothers, Remus and Romulus, in the establishment of Rome, conditio Urbis .
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Scypion Afrykański Starszy i hiszpańskie kobiety. Mit continentia Scipionis i jego recepcja w malarstwie weneckim w XVIII wieku

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Gorzelany-Nowak D., Matusiak P.
Collectanea Philologica
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2022
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issue 25
255-271
EN
Livy and Polybius note that after the conquest of New Carthage, Scipio Africanus the Elder freed Spanish hostages, among whom was Allucius’ fiancée of extraordinary beauty. Not only did Scipio not accept her as a gift, but he summoned her parents and fiancé from her country, returned her to them for free and gave away as a wedding gift the gold intended for her redemption. The motif of the “continence of Scipio”, which was a political strategy aimed at gaining allies and ensuring their friendship with the Romans, was widely reflected in literature, opera and, above all, painting, starting from the sixteenth century. In the article we present works created in the Venetian artistic environment that have not been analyzed before.
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