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1

MIDDLE EASTERN ISLAMIC WORLD VERSUS THE WEST AFTER SEPTEMBER 11, 2001 (Bliskowschodni swiat islamu a Zachód po 11 wrzesnia 2001 r. - obecny stan i perspektywy wzajemnych relacji)

100%
Bojko K.
Afryka, Azja, Ameryka Lacinska (Africa, Asia, Latin America )
|
2008
|
vol. 84
31-50
EN
The al-Qaeda terrorist attacks upon the United States on September 11, 2001, in the Western countries commonly acknowledged to be the turning-point in relations with the Islamic world, were merely a reflection of the growing from several decades Muslims' dislike for the West of which initially the most important reason was the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, unsolved from 1948. However, the actual situation was also influenced by: the consequences of the Yom Kipur War in 1973, which proved the dependence of the West, especially Europe, on the Middle Eastern petroleum supplies; the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and the rising of the first Islamic republic which was accompanied by gradual rejection of Western influence and values adopted during the colonial period; and finally the Mujahedeen victory during the Soviet war in Afghanistan in 1978-1989. The success in Afghanistan made many Muslims believe that elimination of the Western influence also from the other Middle Eastern countries is possible. In 1990s the Islamic radicals, including al-Qaeda leaders, succeeded in convincing some Muslims that the West, together with cooperating local Arab leaders, are responsible for the deepening civilizational backwardness of the region. Several awkward statements of Western politicians, including the one of George Bush initially describing the operation of elimination of the Saddam Hussein's regime from Iraq in 2003 as a 'crusade', confirmed many Muslims' opinion on the hostile intentions of the West. However, the chances are that the real causes of the deteriorating economic situation of the Islamic world are internal: above all the very high demographic expansion and the persistent poor economic performance. Both the Western and the Arab experts point out that the Middle Eastern Islamic world needs political and economic reorganization to surpass the obstacles obstructing its development. Unfortunately, nothing yet indicates that the American authoritative attempt to introduce Western-style reforms and democracy in the Middle East was successful. The direct effect that problems of the Southern Mediterranean Coast countries have upon the European security (the increasing terrorist threat, illegal immigration, ecological problems) was the ground of decisions taken by the UE leaders in regards of the policy towards this region. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, initiated in 1995 in Barcelona, is a coordination forum for the cooperation between the Northern and Southern countries. Today it is still difficult to predict the future of the Middle East but it seems that in the most part it will depend on the very inhabitants of the region. Due to those new factors that added to the tension after 1948, at the moment nothing indicates that even the probable resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict could fully recover peace in the region but it could at least seriously improve the mutual relations of both civilizations.
2
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Family and Tribal Structures in the Political Systems in Middle Eastern States

100%
Trawinski B.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2005
|
issue 26
57-80
EN
Family and tribal structures are among the crucial elements which decide how political systems in the Middle East work. Despite the expansion of such universal concepts as Pan-Arabism and Pan-Islamism and attempts at adapting the concept of the national union, the feeling of tribal identity and loyalty resulting from it are still a vital and significant factor in political policies of the states in the region. The role of tribal structures is not limited to exerting influence on the social and political life on the local plane, but on many occasions tribal affiliation is a significant part of political bargains nationwide. Frequently the influence of family and tribal ties is concealed by a far too obvious exposition of religious ties, while tribal interests which in fact motivate politicians in the Middle East are overlooked. In the era of the state reconstruction in Iraq, it is advisable to take into account the role of this factor as it determines the functioning of states in the Middle East region. In considering prospects for a change in this situation, it is recommended to take advantage of the experiences of regions of the world in which the atrophy of tribal structures already happened, namely Europe and China.
3

JOMKIPURSKÁ VOJNA NA SÝRSKOM FRONTE V ROKU 1973

100%
Sorby K. J.
Vojenská história
|
2023
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vol. 27
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issue 4
67 - 88
EN
The article deals with the Arab-Israeli war in October 1973. Since the Western and Israeli perspectives on this issue have already been treated in a number of works, the focus of this article lies mainly on Arab sources. Arab sources undoubtedly provide a different view and perspective on this part of Middle Eastern history. The actions of the two main Arab actors, Ḥāfiẓ al-Asad and Anwar as-Sādāt, were key determinants of the effectiveness of the Arab coalition during the period. It was also the baseline for the positions of other leaders in the region. The war destroyed many myths. It proved that the Arabs could cooperate and that they could keep their intentions a secret. It showed that Arab soldiers could fight bravely and well when properly trained and motivated and that they could handle the most advanced weapons.
4

ZAČIATOK NOVEJ ETAPY V SOVIETSKO-EGYPTSKÝCH VZŤAHOCH, 1970 – 1971

100%
Sorby K. R.
Vojenská história
|
2021
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vol. 25
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issue 3
128 - 148
EN
Jamāl cAbdannāṣir’s death on 28 September 1970 ushered in a period of uncertainty in Soviet-Egyptian relations. Though he had appointed Anwar as-Sādāt as vice-president, he had not designated an heir. His modus operandi had been to concentrate power in his own hands and operate through his personal secretariat. He left no political tradition and no obvious centre of decision making authority, but only power diffused among the army elite, the Arab Socialist Union, the secret police and the intelligence services. Moscow proceeded warily. The regular visits were ill-suited to penetrating to this enigmatic and changeable network of power. Moscow relied primarily on close ties with the official wielders of power. The new era was marked with a radical shift in the underlying elements of Egypt’s internal and external policies. In order to understand the nature of the goals, means and style of Sadat’s policy, with its consequences for Soviet-Egyptian relations, it is necessary to focus on his perception of international and regional politics, including, for example, the superpowers’ moves towards detente; the military balance between Israel and the Arab countries; and the inter-Arab world competition. Anwar as-Sādāt had its own methods of manipulating the constraints on Egypt and using its capabilities in developing foreign policy at local, regional and global levels.
5
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Role Unii Europejskiej w regionie Afryki Północnej i Bliskiego Wschodu

100%
Wordliczek R.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
|
2010
|
issue 2(14)
633-638
EN
The turn of the 80s and 90s brought political changes in Eastern Europe and the fall bipolar, Cold War balance of power, which resulted in ambivalent Community action. Most members supported the increase in aid former socialist countries, while others, like Spain or Italy, they turned the need for example for security reasons the actual institutionalization increased cooperation and economic assistance in the Mediterranean.
6

SÚVISLOSTI VZNIKU IRACKEJ ARMÁDY (1920 – 1922)

100%
Sorby K.
Vojenská história
|
2017
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vol. 21
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issue 1
92 - 109
EN
The study is devoted to the situation after World War I, when Britain was granted a mandate over Iraq to help it advance to readiness for full independence in the San Remo Conference (April 1920). In June 1920 an armed revolt against British rule broke out and quickly spread through the mid-Euphrates regions. The heavily armed and surprisingly determined tribes scored a number of early and significant successes. The crushing of the revolt involved besides cost of lives the expenditure of huge amounts from the British Treasury. Mr. Churchill, in taking charge of Near and Middle East affairs, called a conference to Cairo on March 1921. The questions considered by the conference included as problems concerning Iraq the immediate reduction of British expenditure in Iraq with the consequent revision of the policy involving: 1. future relationship of Iraq to Great Britain; 2. person of the future ruler of Iraq; 3. nature and composition of the defence forces of the new state which was to assume an increasing share of its own defence.
7

SOVIETSKO-AMERICKÉ SÚPERENIE NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE V POLOVICI 50. ROKOV

88%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2009
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vol. 2
|
issue 1
48 – 61
EN
In the period after the Suez Crisis of 1956 the United States and USSR competed for control in Syria. However, the Suez Crisis provided also the decisive boost to Egypt’s position of Arab leadership. Sensitive of regional and international rivalries, Syrian politicians have tended to identify with the various contenders in their own struggle for power in Damascus. It should be remembered that Syrians have usually been in the vanguard of Arab nationalism. The „Syrian Crisis“ of 1957 was primarily the result of US apprehension over the nationalist, neutralist, and apparently pro-soviet direction in which Syria had moved during the mid-1950s. The United States, its NATO ally (and Syria’s neighbour) Turkey, and the pro-Western Arab governments in the region were all concerned about the developments in Syria. The United States attempted to prod its regional allies to take action to deflect Syria from its apparent leftward drift. Syria became a major topic of discussion at the annual meeting of the United Nations in the autumn of 1957, with the United States dourly warning of the dangers of Soviet expansion in the Middle East and the Soviets responding with accusations about aggressive US intentions toward Syria.
8

THE LAST YEARS OF KING FAYIAL I. (1930 - 1933)

88%
Sorby K. J.
Asian and African Studies
|
2010
|
vol. 19
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issue 2
255-274
EN
The significance of the Anglo-Iraqi treaty in 1930 stemmed from the fact that it provided for the termination of a mandate - the first such example followed in the Near and Middle East only in Transjordan sixteen years later - and established a new pattern of Anglo-Arab relations. If Britain was prepared to surrender its mandate by 1930, it should arrive at this position reluctantly only after the painful experience of persistent agitation among nationalists in the trust territory and a wide segment of the public in England. The instrument itself assured a preferential status of the United Kingdom in Iraq. For the duration of the alliance Britain was allowed to retain two air bases and to make use of all Iraqi facilities for the transit of British armed forces (land, naval and air). Under the accompanying notes British ambassadors in Baghdad were to enjoy 'precedence in relation to the diplomatic representatives of other Powers', and the Iraqi government undertook to request a British advisory military mission and normally to engage in consultation with Whitehall, 'British subjects when in need of the services of foreign officials'. The twenty-five year treaty, which became operative on Iraq's admission to membership in the League of Nations on 3 October 1932, proved vital to the United Kingdom in the Near and Middle East campaigns of World War II.
9

EGYPT V SILOČIARACH VEĽMOCENSKEJ POLITIKY V POLOVICI 60. ROKOV 20. STOROČIA

88%
Sorby K.
|
2012
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vol. 60
|
issue 1
77 – 98
EN
The coming to Power of Lyndon B. Johnson and the expulsion of Nikita Khruschev from the Kremlin brought about important changes in the relationship between the superpowers and the Arab states. The period witnessed a steady deterioration of both inter-Arab and US-Arab relations. By the end of 1964 US-Egyptian relations reached a crisis. Several developments led to this point: 1. further Egyptian economic and military dependence on the Soviet Union; 2. Egypt’s involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict; 3. Egyptian military and political support of the rebels in the Congo; 4. Egypt’s armed presence in Yemen; 5. the fire of the Kennedy Library in Cairo; 6. US economic threats against Cairo. The calm that marked the period was deceptive; the storm was never far away.
10

NÁRODNOOSLOBODZOVACIE HNUTIA NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE PO DRUHEJ SVETOVEJ VOJNE A ČSR

75%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2021
|
vol. 14
|
issue 1
30 – 48
EN
The 1947 partition plan for Palestine was certainly not a peaceful resolution to the contest for Palestine. Both Jewish and Arab armies lined up volunteers and equipped themselves as well as they could. Both sides committed terrorist acts against innocent civilians. The British folded their arms and ignored the escalating violence, as they were preparing to withdraw totally from Palestine. In this situation the Israeli army was in dire need of arms and Moscow which did not want to be directly involved in the conflict. Communist Czechoslovakia which belonged to the Soviet sphere of influence followed the instructions and supplied Israel with weapons despite UN sanctions. In the 1948 Arab-Israeli war Czechoslovakia had considerably contributed to the Israeli victory. After Israel turned to the West the USSR became the main supporter of the Arab national-liberation movement. After the 1952 military coup the Egyptian army turned out to be the real ruler of Egypt. Since armistice of 1949, the Egyptian-Israeli border had been the site of frequent hostilities. Israeli forces carried out their missions easily and emphasized their military superiority which made the Egyptians aware of the pressing need to replace the outmoded equipment left to them by the British. However, when the Egyptian president approached the West for arms, he was rebuffed. He therefore turned to the USSR that acted in a similar way as before. In September 1955 Egypt concluded an agreement with Czechoslovakia to purchase $ 200 million worth of advanced Soviet military equipment in exchange for Egyptian cotton. The so-called Czech arms deal was really a Soviet-Egyptian one and caused considerable annoyance mainly in Washington and London.
11

DIPLOMACIA POSTUPNÝCH KROKOV: EGYPTSKO-IZRAELSKÉ DOHODY O ODPÚTANÍ SÍL

75%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2014
|
vol. 7
|
issue 2
5 – 19
EN
The fourth Arab-Israeli war and the brief oil embargo that followed produced a change in the American perception of the increasingly complex Middle East crisis. The Arab ability to plan, co-ordinate, and execute a successful military attack and to profoundly disturb the status quo had now been clearly demonstrated. The issue of regional dependency on Middle East petroleum also became a matter of concern in the West, especially among the allies of the United States. There was, furthermore, a sharpened awareness worldwide of the degree to which local conflicts in the area could bring the superpowers dangerously close to confrontation. US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger ensured the settlement that ended the October War. Within his “shuttle diplomacy” he visited all the relevant countries and helped to secure the Egyptian-Israeli agreement over the cessation of hostilities signed on 11 November 1973. The first agreement, signed on 18 January 1974, while separating Egyptian and Israeli forces, allowed limited Egyptian troops on the eastern bank of the Suez Canal, a disengaging zone or no-man’s land supervised by the UN emergency forces in the western part of Sinai, and limited Israeli forces west of the strategic Giddi and Mitla passes. Anwar as-Sādāt had assured Kissinger in December 1973 that he would have the Arab oil embargo lifted, and by 18 March 1974 the embargo was withdrawn. Kissinger’s diplomacy had raised Arab expectations that the United States could promote a settlement based on an Israeli withdrawal. The new American President, Gerald Ford faced with Israeli intransigence began to think of a comprehensive peace settlement including Palestine and in August 1975 Kissinger returned to the Middle East. His bargaining produced a second disengagement agreement between Israel and Egypt signed in September 1975.
12

IRAQ FROM FAYSAL’S ASCENDANCY TO THE THRONE TO THE RATIFICATION OF THE FIRST ANGLO-IRAQI TREATY (1921 – 1924)

75%
Sorby K. J.
Asian and African Studies
|
2012
|
vol. 21
|
issue 2
199 – 219
EN
Faced with strong nationalist agitation, the British government did not ask the League of Nations for the formal assignment of a mandate, but instead it decided to exercise its control by means of a treaty with Iraq. The Anglo-Iraqi Treaty was concluded in October 1922. Together with four important subsidiary agreements, it confirmed British control of Iraq by giving Britain the right to (1) appoint advisers to the Iraqi government (2) assist the Iraqi army (3) protect foreigners (4) advice Iraq on fiscal matters, and (5) advice Iraq on matters of foreign relations. The treaty also provided for an open-door policy to be implemented by Britain, foresaw British financial assistance to Iraq, and guaranteed the non-alienation of Iraqi territory by Britain. It was to operate for twenty years, but by a protocol signed in 1923 its period was reduced to four years. In its really vital provisions, the treaty did not much differ from the draft mandate that had come up for consideration before the League of Nations in September 1921, but had never been formally adopted. Iraq´s king Faysal I accepted the treaty with pragmatic calculation and weathered the subsequent political outcry, fully intending to continue to press for the independence the country demanded.
13

VPLYV CESTOVNÉHO RUCHU NA ZMENY V ZAMESTNANIACH BEDUÍNOV V JORDÁNSKEJ PETRE

75%
Kučírek T.
Etnologické rozpravy (Ethnological Disputes)
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2014
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vol. 21
|
issue 1
131 – 143
EN
Bedouin culture is considered as a core part of Arab culture. Basic idea of Bedouin identity is derived from pastoral nomadic life in desert. Concept of Bedouin identity changes dramatically in time. Bedouins in Middle East were affected in 20th century by massive global changes. Life they endured during thousands of years changed in few decades. During the process of sedentarization they were forced to change methods of acquiring livelihood. A specific situation occurred in tourism destinations. Petra in Jordan is listed as a top tourist attraction in the county. Here, old Nabataean monuments were inhabited by local Bedouin communities for hundreds of years. With development of mass tourism on location Bedouins were moved to newly constructed village of Umm Sayhun outside of Petra. Bedouins had to give up on traditional ways of living and to focus on new jobs connected to tourism. Today the vast majority of them work in tourism sector. Bedouin in Petra changed from nomad and shepherd to local tourist guide or to souvenir seller. New jobs caused changes in local culture and led to formation of unique culture, different from other Bedouin communities in Jordan.
14

IRAQ's FIRST COUP GOVERNMENT (1936 - 1937)

75%
Sorby Jr. K.
Asian and African Studies
|
2011
|
vol. 20
|
issue 1
23-45
EN
By the mid-1930s, several officers of the Iraqi army had become actively interested in politics and found that the army's reputation for suppressing the Assyrian rebellion was a political asset. The most influential officers were true nationalists, that is, pan-Arabist, who inspired many of the junior officers. They looked to the examples of neighbouring Turkey and Iran, where military dictatorships were flourishing. Under the leadership of General Bakr Iidqi the army took over the government in the fall of 1936, and opened a period of the army's meddling in politics. A monolithic, totalitarian form of government seemed to offer a more effective means of unifying fragmented countries and modernizing backward societies than did constitutional democracy and the free enterprise system. The authoritarian regime that exerted the most powerful influence on Iraqis was that of Kamal. Many of the army officers and Ottoman-educated civilians could easily imagine themselves in the Turkish president's role. As an Islamic country with a background of similar traditions and problems, Turkey offered a more attainable example than European regimes. Moreover, rapid development, political unity, and greater social discipline were the desiderata of this line of thought. The assassination of Bakr Iidqi marked the collapse of the Bakr Iidqi - Eikmat Sulayman axis and the end of Iraq's first coup government.
15

KÁHIRSKÁ KONFERENCIA 1921. KLADENIE ZÁKLADOV BRITSKEJ POLITIKY NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE PO PRVEJ SVETOVEJ VOJNE

75%
Sorby Jr. K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2010
|
vol. 3
|
issue 1
71 – 86
EN
The Hāshimite claim to Arab leadership had been born almost haphazardly in the circumstances of the First World War. It was far from being accepted by all the Arabs and would always suffer from its sponsorship by Britain. But the total Ottoman collapse did give Britain and France a brief period in which they felt that they could act largely as they pleased. Inducing Arabs under the rule of the Ottoman Turks to rebel against their oppressors the British and French during the First World War convinced the Hāshimite clan that they would rule over the Arab Middle East. Later on, having been awarded by the League of Nations the mandates for the former Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire the victorious powers began to consider those territories as their colonies. Apart from the fighting in Syria, there were uprisings in Egypt, Iraq and Palestine, because the Arab hopes had been thwarted by the establishment of administrations on colonial lines with virtually no Arab participation. The Arab rebellions could be put down only at heavy costs. The post-war economy caused the British government to act. Winston Churchill as Colonial Secretary, with T. E. Lawrence as adviser, held a conference in Cairo in March 1921. No Arabs were present, but the meeting was attended by the high commissioners for Iraq, Egypt and Palestine. It was decided to carry out the arrangement already prepared in London to make Amīr Faysal King of Iraq. Churchill’s decision regarding Iraq was to have calamitous consequences as quite different communities – the Sunnī Muslim Arabs, Sunnī Muslim Kurds, and Shīcī Muslim Arabs – were put under a single ruler. Many people say, that Churchill’s decision of 1921 continue to cause terrible grief to Iraq’s indigenous people and anxiety to the rest of the world.
16

CZECHOSLOVAK-IRANIAN RELATIONS IN 1968 – 1978: COOPERATION ACROSS THE COLD WAR BARRIERS

75%
Taterová E., Struhárová A.
Asian and African Studies
|
2024
|
vol. 33
|
issue 1
117 - 139
EN
This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Iran during the period of 1968 – 1978. Despite being aligned with opposing superpower alliances during the Cold War, the two countries established a pragmatic partnership in the 1960s that persisted even after the Prague Spring of 1968 had been terminated by the invasion by the Warsaw Pact armies. The subsequent political developments in Czechoslovakia, characterized by a process known as normalization, aimed to curtail reforms and reinforce the dominant role of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. However, this ideological framework was not fully applied to the relations with Iran under the royal regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. On the contrary, Czechoslovakia and Iran experienced flourishing economic and cultural exchanges. In particular, important official visits took place, involving also the heads of state, to publicly demonstrate the strength of the mutual partnership. Nonetheless, this cooperation was ultimately disrupted by the fall of the Shah's regime in the wake of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. This research draws primarily on hitherto underexploited archival documents from the relevant Czech archives, offering a Czechoslovak perspective on the development of mutual relations between the two countries.
17

BLÍZKY VÝCHOD AKO REGIONÁLNE BOJISKO STUDENEJ VOJNY NA ZAČIATKU ŠESTDESIATYCH ROKOV 20. STOROČIA

75%
Sorby K.
|
2010
|
vol. 58
|
issue 1
61-80
EN
The Kennedy Administration came to power convinced that its predecessor had demonstrated an appalling lack of imagination in its attitude toward the Third World nationalists like Gamal Abdel Nasser. Seen from the perspective of the New Frontier, the Eisenhower Administration's reluctance to accept nonalignment in the Cold War had created widespread opportunities for the spread of Soviet influence in the developing world. Two weeks before Kennedy took office, Khrushchev had publicly endorsed 'wars of national liberation' in the Third World. It seemed that the Soviets, by exploiting American inflexibility and by shrewdly distributing military and economic aid and political support to the Third World nationalists, had secured a commanding position on what had become the critical battleground between East and West.
18

PLO AND THE CIVIL WAR IN JORDAN (1970)

63%
Michaľák T.
Asian and African Studies
|
2012
|
vol. 21
|
issue 1
106 – 121
EN
The June War changed the regional balance in the Middle East, weakening the position of Arab states. The three Arab countries directly involved in the war with Israel lost an important and strategic part of their territories. After a swift air and ground attack, Egypt lost the Sinai Peninsula, which resulted in the closure of the Suez Canal, unfavourably affecting the Egyptian state budget. Syria was pushed out of the Golan Heights – an excellent vantage point for shelling Damascus. This military weakness led top governmental representatives to consider the possibility of a new Israeli attack. Jordan suffered a real loss, not only of territorial but also religious significance. It lost control of the whole West Bank of the Jordan River, including East Jerusalem. Jordanian King Eusayn was aware of the fact that the Israeli seizure of the West Bank called for quick action as a long-term occupation could thwart the unification of the kingdom.
19

ENERGETICKÁ BEZPEČNOST USA

63%
Krejčí O.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2008
|
vol. 1
|
issue 2
55 – 73
EN
The nergy security of the U.S.A is, after military security, the second most important issue related to the pursuit of national interests. Following World War II, the U.S.A became heavily dependent on the import of oil and increasingly dependent on the import of gas. Since the oil embargo imposed by OPEC in 1973, the U.S.A has been dominated by a view that this dependence should decrease. A possible way out has been reduced consumption and control of the most important oil reserves – this approach builds on Carter’s Doctrine. Today, as a result of the country’s unilateral policy, its military control spans almost the whole area of the Middle East; yet, other countries are more efficient in trade. The solution resides in a multilateral approach to the country’s security, respect for the legitimate interests of others and collaboration in the area of security.
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