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EN
The changes in the perception of metaphysical reality that occurred in post-war German religious poetry pose a departure from traditional patterns of imagery, which has led to broadening of the horizons of the described religious experience. Thus, a common ground conducive to the dialogue with immigrant authors who write in German has been created. Christian religious symbolism is a common reference for both the German poets and the authors of foreign origin. The poetic language created on the basis of this symbolism exposes humanity’s universal experiences, communicates a sense of isolation and estrangement and enables a revision of the existing religious representations.
PL
Spotkanie w słowie. Współczesna niemiecka liryka religijna a imigracja Dokonujące się w powojennej niemieckiej liryce religijnej zmiany w postrzeganiu rzeczywistości metafizycznej stanowią odejście od tradycyjnych wzorców obrazowania, co prowadzi do poszerzenia horyzontu opisywanego doświadczenia religijnego. Wytworzona zostaje w ten sposób płaszczyzna komunikacyjna sprzyjająca dialogowi z tworzącymi w języku niemieckim imigrantami. Chrześcijańska symbolika religijna jest punktem odniesienia zarówno dla niemieckich poetów, jak i twórców o zagranicznych korzeniach. Wykreowany w oparciu o nią język poetycki wydobywa uniwersalne doświadczenia ludzkości, przekazuje poczucie wyizolowania i obcości, a także pozwala rewidować zastane wyobrażenia religijne.
DE
Die Wandlungen in der Wahrnehmung der metaphysischen Wirklichkeit, die in der religiösen Lyrik der Nachkriegszeit stattgefunden haben, hatten die Abkehr von der traditionellen Bildlichkeit und somit die Erweiterung des Horizonts der religiösen Erfahrung zur Folge. Auf diese Weise entstand eine Kommunikationsebene, die den Dialog mit den deutschschreibenden Migranten förderte. Christliche religiöse Symbolik bildete sowohl für die deutschen Dichter als auch Dichter mit Mitgrationshintergrund eine Bezugsebene. Die auf dieser Basis kreierte poetische Sprache kehrt die universellen menschlichen Erfahrungen hervor, vermittelt das Gefühl der Isoliertheit, des Fremdseins und erlaubt gleichzeitig die bestehenden religiösen Vorstellungen zu revidieren.
EN
The European Commission has lately been exposed to increasing pressure from the Italian and Greek Governments to actively participate in solving the problem of growing immigration from African and Middle East countries. This surging pressure has resulted in actions aimed at redistributing immigrants among the EU Member States. The implementation of this solution would mean that the immigration issue is most likely to also affect countries which have not had to deal with large immigrant populations in the past. This article focuses on potential immigration to Poland, as one the largest economies in the EU Member States. It aims to answer the question whether Poland needs and is ready, in social, economic and cultural terms, to accept international immigrants from developing countries. Another problem tackled by this paper is the European Union’s attitude towards immigration. It is argued that the redistribution of migrants will be pointless unless other accompanying actions are taken simultaneously. The twin issues of the immigration crisis and the distribution of immigrants have revealed problems resulting from differences between the Member States in terms of their quality of life, including differences in wages and social benefits. This article posits that had the EU met the cohesion goal many economic and social problems, including migrants’ distribution, would not have arisen.
EN
In recent years, the issues of integration - related on the one hand to people referred to as foreigners, immigrants, newcomers, etc. - and on the other hand to host societies - have been gaining importance in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, including Poland. Before the political and socio-economic transformation at the turn of the 1980s and the 1990s, it was a country relatively closed to international migration. Only in the early 1990s did it open up to migration flows. That was also the time when the state's policy in this area had been gradually emerging. The preparations for EU membership enforced the process of developing a national migration policy. Poland's accession to the EU in 2004 and to the Schengen zone in 2007 saw its full involvement in EU migration governance in terms of internal and external policies, and thus the further Europeanisation of national law, public policy, and practices in the field of migration management. Recent years have seen a change in Poland's migration status, which has now become an emigration-immigration state, and the near future may bring about its transition into a new immigration state, especially in connection with the influx of large numbers of forced migrants from Ukraine since the end of February 2022. At the time of writing, that is mid-2022, Poland does not have a formalised integration policy at the central level. National law provides integration measures only for beneficiaries of international protection (persons with refugee status and subsidiary protection), which concerns a very small group of foreigners. However, the last two decades have seen increased involvement at the local government level (especially in cities) in integration. This is a process taking place in local communities with the support of other actors such as NGOs, informal associations, or universities. One such example is Warsaw, the capital of Poland, where the largest number of migrants, both voluntary and forced, live. This paper aims to explore the selected practices undertaken by some of Warsaw’s municipal institutions and offi ces, which can be treated as an important part of the local integration policy and which could be a role model for other cities less experienced in immigrant integration.
EN
The purpose of this study was to investigate the European Union (EU) Migration and Asylum Policy, a perspective of African migrants in Europe. Attempts were made to identify the perception of Africans in the EU on its migration and Asylum policy and assess whether the policy encourages migration and Asylum in the EU. To achieve this, descriptive survey was employed and questionnaires were administered to 100 respondents in Europe from different African countries. The data collected using the online questionnaires were analyzed using percentage, mean and standard deviations. From the results, it was concluded that immigration into the EU is undertaken by male citizens of most African countries especially at their youthful ages driven by the need to pursue education and job opportunities. Their stay in the EU breeds the desire (positive perception and desire) to obtain either work status or EU nationality. Many of them desire to be integrated into the host countries rather than repatriated to their countries. Finally, most of them greatly esteem the EU migration and asylum policy and prefer to stay within the EU than be resettled or repatriated, according to the new EU Pact policy.
EN
Objectives: The objective of this article is to present a research protocol to explore mental health care in the Moroccan immigrant collective. Methods: The study will be carried out through a qualitative perspective under a combination of the phenomenological approach and ethnomethodology. The selection of participants will be carried out by non-probabilistic sampling. Several types of profiles will participate in the study, both healthcare professionals and Moroccan patients, and semi-structured interviews will be conducted. Findings: The application of this research protocol will increase the knowledge about mental health care in the Moroccan immigrant group. By having health professionals more knowledge about it, they can create more specific health promotion and prevention programs for the Moroccan group, helping them in their adaptation process and reducing the stress and/or anxiety of the process. Conclusions: It is recommended to carry out this research protocol in different health centers to obtain reliable conclusions about mental health care in the Moroccan immigrant collective
EN
The Problem of Migration in Eastern Poland - Statistical Analysis of the Phenomenon
7
Content available remote

Pražští Rusové

94%
EN
The article deals with situation, attitudes and behaviour of members of Prague's Russian immigrant community. At the beginning an overview of recent socio-economic development in Russia, existing findings about Russian minority in the Czech Republic and Czech citizens’ attitudes towards Russians are presented. The core of the article is presentation of main results of a survey conducted by the author in spring 2010 among members of Russian community that live in Prague and its surroundings. Among the main hypotheses that came out of the survey is growth of importance of positive motivations to migrate, extension of geographical and social basis from which migrants come, continuity of self-isolation of the community combined with strong ties to the country of origin and rise of Russian ethnic economy in Prague.
EN
A closed community of Lutheran Germans in the city of Lőcse (Levoča) and a family lived for centuries in this city showed three generations in the 19th century got far from their home but kept their values. A painter, a manufacturer and a teacher in different eras and environments in Hungary with the same ethic: hard work and thrift. Both originated from Lőcse: János Rombauer, the painter got to Saint Petersburg as a royal painter of Czar Alexander I and returned later to Eperjes (Prešov). Tivadar Rombauer moved close to Munkács (Мукачеве) and later to Ózd as a founder of the most famous iron foundry. Later because of his role in the Revolution he had to flee to America where he established a new life for the emergence of a new family line of his descendants. Emil got to Brassó (Brașov) where he had to cope with Saxons as a Hungarian and later to Budapest where he had to cope with the bureaucracy as a teacher and director. In both three life spans we can easily discover the essence of those values derived from their ancestors and can be characterized with the spirit of capitalism and Protestant ethic.
EN
The aim of the research and analysis was to identify the factors which contribute to stimulating entrepreneurial spirit among women. Special attention was paid to German women who had undertaken business activity in Poland. Based on a survey, it was determined that apart from such barriers to developing business as experienced by all businessmen (e.g. ensuring cash flows, having a sound knowledge of laws and regulations connected with business, and being competitive in the market), a female entrepreneur must meet other challenges arising from the position of a woman in society. Women's determination in the pursuit of business did not depend on gender or emigre status, but on their willingness to start a business in a culturally foreign environment. The respondents emphasized that they were highly active and goal-oriented. Women would rather be perceived as entrepreneurs than as women or migrants, because the characteristics assigned to the two latter roles do not coincide with the typical image of 'male entrepreneurship'.
DE
Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit dem 2013 veröffentlichten Roman Sitzen vier Polen im Auto. Teutonische Abenteuer von Alexandra Tobor. Als eine Geschichte des Dazwischen-Seins, kann es als ein Diagnostikum des Schwellenzustands verstanden werden. Da in dem Buch eine Migrationsgeschichte erzählt wird, bietet es sich auch an, den Roman nach Turners dreiteiligem Liminalität-Modell zu untersuchen. Demnach sei zu analysieren, inwieweit die Zeit in Polen als eine Bruch- und Trennungsphase, der Aufenthalt im Aussiedlerlager als die Schwellen- oder Übergangsphase und die Zeit in der deutschen Schule als die Angliederungs- oder Reintegrationsphase aufgefasst werden darf. Somit ist der Beitrag ein Versuch der Operationalisierung der genannten Kategorie der Liminalität.
EN
This article is devoted to Alexandra Tobot’s novel Sitzen vier Polen im Auto. Teutonische Abenteuer published in 2013. As a story of “being in-between” the text enables one to analyse the omnipresent state of being in a limbo. At the same time we deal with a migrational story, so we are given the possibility of analysing the novel in the context of Victor Turner’s three-part liminal model. The author of the article has been looking for an answer to the following question: To what extent can the time spent in Poland be understood as a stage of exclusion, the time spent in the refugee camp as a transitory stage and the time at a German school as the stage of integration? In this way the article is an attempt at putting the category of liminality into operation.
EN
This paper analyses the directions and causes of student migration in the information society at economic universities in Poland and Portugal. An international survey was conducted among students born between 1981 and 1995. The research included a group of 121 Polish and 55 Portuguese students. The conclusions of the study confirm the hypothesis that the place of residence/ country of origin has a significant effect on the direction of migration. Furthermore, the causes of migration are largely dependent on the gender of the respondents and their professional status.
EN
The article looks at the migrant crisis, which reached full fl ow in 2015, in terms of Europe’s long-term development and its relationship to other continents. It verifi es the limited options for studying this topic due to the unavailability of primary sources. It analyses fundamental contradictions in the current political and journalistic presentation of the topic, in particular the contradiction between the proclamation of legally secured grace, and the attempt to make up the workforce defi cit; between temporary protection and permanent integration of migrants. It emphasises the pragmatic features of the actions of large economic corporations, governments, traffi cking gangs and migrants. Against this, it notes the need to determine Europe’s absorption abilities and rigorously support the population of Africa and Asia remaining in their home nations, but with a regulated birth rate (implementing a planned parenthood model), and with greater support from richer Arab countries. Instead of the ambiguous concept of ‘European values’, it formulates the notion of European civilisation experience and its duality, which is conditional upon a different approach to immigration in Western (post-colonial) and Eastern (post-totalitarian) states within the European Union. In conclusion, it outlines the threats unmanaged migration represents for Europe, and the potential for managing this crisis.
EN
In this paper I describe a local, Warsowian discourse focused on the phenomena of immigration into the capital city from other parts of Poland. In Bourdieu's categories I draw upon the field of game played in Warsaw between two kinds of players: natives and immigrants. Both of them build definitions of the others based on wrongful stereotypes and prejudices. Such a discourse has been used by the natives as a tool of exclusion of the migrants from the sphere of work and symbolic capital. They impute the migrants to be immoral, bad qualified and determined to stay in Warsaw. The immigrants show the natives as the second or third generation of the immigrants from the poor countryside which came to the capital city directly after the World War II. From this point of view the present natives usurp "the right to the city", the symbolic capital and the right to take the best places on the job market. Specifically, I am interested in patterns of the exclusion constructed by the natives in the discourse and also in answers of immigrants who use rather defensive strategies.
|
2022
|
vol. 5
|
issue 2
178-195
EN
This article deals with the presentation of migration as a theme on the most visited Slovak media website aktuality.sk during the first half of 2021. Through qualitative and quantitative content analysis of texts and photographs, it determines the frequency of information, names the topics and analyzes the content that the medium presented from January 2021 to the end of June 2021. Because of the smaller volume of news and politicians addressing the topic, it may seem that migration has disappeared. However, the number of valid stays of thirdcountry nationals in Slovakia in June 2021 was not way below average since 2015 when the so-called migration crisis began. This article summarizes the migration discourses that have been promulgated in Slovakia since 2015. At the same time, the analysis focuses on covering the topic of migration at present, we determine how much space the selected medium devoted to migration and what topics it reported on. In terms of identified discourses, in the analysis of 2021, we noted the persistence of cultural threat discourse, security risk discourse and more discourse of effective solidarity. It turns out that the overall setting of the media sentiment of the migration discourse in the Slovak Republic is relatively stable in the long run, inclined to the negative connotation of the terms migrant, refugee and the migration process itself, with a significantly weak representation of positive sentiment.
EN
This paper is an attempt to exploit, for purposes of literary character analysis, the notion of identity crisis, recently developed by Nathalie Heinich in her book Ce que n’est pas l’identité. To do this, the author draws on examples taken from novels by Leïla Houari (Ni langue ni pays) and Girolamo Santocono (Dinddra), both contemporary Belgian authors of migrant origin. Their characters, migrants or descendants of migrants, live experiences akin to that conceptualized by Heinich. The author questions the reasons for these (post)migratory identity crises, their course and their results. It turns out that the identity of migrants and their descendants, marked by fundamental instability, is particularly prone to the crisis. While their identities can often be described as being in crisis, the crises they go through usually result in a positive outcome.
FR
Le présent article constitue une tentative d’exploiter, à des fins d’analyse du personnage littéraire, la notion de crise d’identité, récemment développée par Nathalie Heinich dans son ouvrage Ce que n’est pas l’identité. Pour ce faire, l’auteur s’appuie sur des exemples tirés de romans de Leïla Houari (Ni langue ni pays) et de Girolamo Santocono (Dinddra), deux auteurs belges contemporains d’origine migrante. Leurs personnages, migrants ou descendants de migrants, vivent des expériences qui s’apparentent à celle conceptualisée par Heinich. L’auteur interroge les raisons de ces crises identitaires (post)migratoires, leur déroulement et leur issue. Il s’avère que l’identité des migrant(e)s et de leurs descendant(e)s, marquée par une instabilité fondamentale, est particulièrement sujette à la crise. Toutefois, si l’identité (post)migratoire peut souvent être qualifiée de « crisique », les crises que traversent les personnages aboutissent habituellement à un dénouement positif.
EN
The aim of the article is to attempt to identify the state of, and prospects for, the development of the common policy of the European Union regarding legal migration from third countries. The subject of interest is, above all, legal economic migration, which is crucial from the perspective of certain demographic processes taking place in the EU, the changes and needs of the Community's labour market, and the challenges posed by the digital transformation. The adopted hypothesis assumes that, within the framework of EU migration and asylum policy, policy as regards legal economic migration is still an underdeveloped area and remains in the hands of individual Member States. Initiatives undertaken in this area remain overshadowed by the main focus of the common migration and asylum policy, namely the development of a common asylum system and the prevention of irregular migration. Policy regarding legal economic migration in the near future will mainly be created by Member States and play out on the domestic stage due to the lack of direct motivation for its development at the Community level. In this case, the strength of particular stakeholders' interests is not balanced out by any direct and easily identifiable benefits to be gained from the adopted common solutions.
EN
The aim of this article is a conceptual analysis of labour migration policies in the European Union and their implementation in the EU member-states and the Republic of Moldova during contemporary times. The paper outlines the current trends of labour migration in both the European Union and in the Republic of Moldova; analyzes the genesis and essence of migration policies within the EU in the modern period; identifies the underlying problems of integration faced by Moldovan labour migrants in the hosting societies; and investigates issues related to the repatriation and reintegration of Moldovan labourers from the EU to their home country.
EN
The article is dedicated to the question of how health and disease discourses are linked to the migration discourse in AfD election programs. For this purpose, twenty election programs of the party from the years 2016 to 2021 are evaluated in terms of content, which were adopted for the elections to the state parliaments, the Bundestag and the European Parliament. Based on the evaluation, seven different sub-discourses can be identified in which health or disease-related topics are linked to the migration discourse. The focus here is on the portrayal of migrants as carriers of diseases, as a danger to the health of the population and in particular of health care workers, and on the exploitation and thus endangerment of the German health care system by migrants. Statistical analysis shows that references to these motifs occur continuously in the programs studied. A significantly stronger access to these discourses can be demonstrated in election programs from the new German states. In general, migrants are directly or indirectly portrayed as a threat to the health of the population in all sub-discourses. Overall, it can be shown that references to health and illness discourses are integrated by the AfD into its xenophobic program in order to generate feelings of threat and fear among voters. Overall, the AfD is thus less concerned with the issues of health and illness than with reinforcing xenophobic emotions among the population.
EN
The study indicates that migratory movements are one of the fundamental values of life and culture of civilization. The heritage of the past is rich, revealing their scale, consequences, opportunities and barriers to development. Since the end of the 18th century, migrations have been deeply involved in the political life of each country and international environment. A new cultural dimension is associated in fact with the global formation of civil society, in the process of the simultaneously occurring unification and diversification of cultural life. The image of the migration life clearly involves the presence of Poland and Polish people both in terms of migrants and immigrants.
EN
International public opinion, especially European one, is focused on the issue of migrants reaching Europe from the Near East. Due to the scale of migration, southern neighborhood draws attention of decision-makers and the public of individual EU member states. For some countries, the number of migrants has become a problem of social nature (e.g. approximately a million migrants reaching Germany in 2015). However, the fact that a war rages on in Donbas, right beyond the EU’s eastern border, cannot be disregarded as the conflict fosters further migration problems (internal and international migration). Russo-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas has changed the perception of Ukraine’s internal situation. The conflict pertains not only to the issue of hard security (e.g. military capabilities), but touches upon soft security as well i.e. in this case, the issue of migration (both international, and one associated with Internally Displaced Persons, IDPs). It is noteworthy that events of the Euromaidan revolution resulted in one of the more violent transformations, not only in the post-Soviet space, but also continental Europe. In addition, Russia’s destabilization of eastern Ukraine and annexation of Crimea undeniably constitute the greatest European security crisis since the Balkan war of 1990s. Undeniably, when faced with economic, military and social problems (e.g. IDPs), Ukraine will not be able to manage the situation on its own without external financial aid.
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