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EN
The discussion about nation and ideas connected with it has a long tradition, tremendously multithreaded and varied in interpretations. We are practically unable of counting all attempts to create the definition of a nation. They are all more or less precise, for understandable reasons reflects their author's social and cultural experiences, reaching for specific metaphors, and sometimes being a form of intellectual provocation. A conception of a nation is strongly tied to the category of minority, especially the ethnic minority. Both those definitions are often used in turns. A very interesting issue is analyzing the connections between nationalism and religion.
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EN
Globalization is a multithreaded and complicated process, but nowadays necessary to understand modern cultural reality. With globalization are connected such terms as: "flow space", "shrinking of time and distance", "diffusion of cultural features". Globalization is a multidimensional process of interaction between different factors: from economical to social and cultural. In many situations the traditional perceiving culture in categories like "we-they" looses its importance. All specific places and "their" culture is currently a part of global "we", figuratively created by pop culture. It is pop culture what absorbed many motives and essences of many national cultures of the world.
EN
The author begins with the analysis of the place of globalization notion in currently happening social life transformations - universalization and emancipation. He takes note of replacing the notion of universalization by globalization despite the ambiguity of both notions and frequent opposition of their features. Then he presents analysis of social life in political, economic and cultural spheres, in order to draw attention to the relation between national state, nation and international corporation, being a representative of globalization. This analysis leads to the conclusion that globalization is not a complimentary process to universalization, but is one of the symptoms of emancipation processes. This results in the author's conclusion that globalization does not threaten the existence of national states and nations.
EN
The definition of a nation, which could be suitable for all groups, which find themselves as a nation and in the same time are perceived as a nation and are considered a nation by other groups does not exist and probably never will. In European politics in XX century it can be observed that after 1945-1989 has come a period of much more nationalistic character. First of all, "civil society develops nowadays as a national country or remains in more or less close connections with aspirations to creating such country". Secondly, common values that exist in such society are mainly values that enter into the composition of national culture.
EN
Any work that takes a thorough look at the problem of nationality requires a kind of common ground in the form of a consensus about such basic terms as people and nation. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire the main problem was the complexity of factors and the lack of unity, which also affected Austria’s special matter of nationality. Specifically, Austria witnessed the mutual opposition of three elements. Amidst the conflict of different ethnic groups and the historical kingdoms and provinces with the central power, ethnic groups made increasingly significant and radical demands as opposed to the other two groups. While this work also seeks to use consistent terms, it shifts the focus from the creation of unambiguous definitions to generally recognised historical development processes, such as the role of the slogans of popular sovereignty and equal rights in the definition of nation, and to trends in the scholarly interpretation of people and nation in the 19th century
EN
Lawrence Goślicki, later bishop of Poznańand Senator, at the end of their studies in Italy, issued in 1568 the work De optimo senatore. In it, he describes his thoughts on the state model, the duties of authorities and, above all, sketched an ideal profile of the position of Senator perfect. Senators must come from the citizens. The right, to choose one, belongs only to the ruler. In making such a decision, he has to have regard for the physical appearance, suitable birth and financial status, intellectual condition, disposition, education, good repute and experience in public service. The decisive factor, however, remains virtue. The Senator’s task is to advise the king, and to mediate between him and the citizens. The Senator is the most important official in the country, the senator is at its heart. His most important virtue is to be prudence. He should also be guided by moderation in both public and private life. It is a model for others, a teacher of virtue. On his shoulders rests largely the wellbeing of the state.
EN
Declaration of autonomy in October 1938 was a turning point that enabled the Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party to grasp the power in Slovakia. As the leader of the autonomist wing it was considered “the only true representative of the Slovak nation”. Its far-sighted approach to democracy manifested itself practically immediately, and Slovakia set out on a journey of establishing an authoritative regime. The autonomous institutions were trying to direct the ongoing political transformation even on a local level. However, the results of their endeavour did not always correspond with their idea of the new political system. And that is the case of the analysed region of Horná Nitra as well. Even though the inhabitants of the region were in favour of the People’s Party even during the First Czechoslovak Republic, and in this particular region the transfer of the power happened in a relatively smooth manner, various problems occurred here, too. The reason behind this was that the support of the new regime was in many cases accompanied by personal ambition and vision of one’s own profit. Claiming a vacant post at a local authority office often triggered conflicts and disputes. The applicants justified their claims by their long-lasting loyalty to the programme of the People’s Party, alternatively by the “sacrifices” they had made in the name of their political belief. Hence, the transfer of the power started turning into a quarrel featuring bragging about applicants’ political merits for which, as they believed, they were entitled to be rewarded and honoured once the political hegemony of the HSPP had been achieved.
EN
The end of the Cold War greatly reduced the military risk worldwide and resulted in a search for new areas of interest for security sciences. One of the new trends, which originated in the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute, was the societal security, focused on the issue of safeguarding identity of social groups – national, ethnic and religious. The concept developed by the Copenhagen school was later extended to other subjects with common identity, such as professional groups, economic classes or local communities. This articles presents the issue of the societal dimension of security in contemporary Europe. Its focus is on finding a universal defi nition of societal security, determining the subject of this kind of security and on analyzing the main threats for the societal dimension of security in Europe.
EN
Medieval sources speak, particularly from the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th centuries onwards, of conflicts between Czechs and Germans. Facing competition from German colonization and newly founded towns, usually controlled by the German patriciate, the Czech aristocracy resorted to what could be labelled national or nationalist argumentation. The aristocracy would commission literary works in Czech that used the concept of language as a synonym for nation. In such works, Germans were considered mere “guests” in a land that “naturally” belonged to the Czechs. At the beginning of the 15th century, these national tensions intensified both in towns and at the university in Prague, among others in connection with the emerging reform movement, and there arose the need of a narrower definition of the Czech nation, going beyond the criterion of language.
EN
e main task of this paper is to present the most important paradigms operating in the social sciences in the Anglo-Saxons cultural circle after World War II. The paradigms overview starts from Primordialism discourse through Perennialism, Modernism toward Ethno-symbolism and Banal Nationalism melted into Pop cultural social behaviors. A series of debates on the description and operationalization of knowledge on titled is-sue has already been taken. What is more, chapter shows the concept of divers approach toward nationalism theory which still seems to be a novelty at the Central and Eastern European discourse.
EN
The celebrations of the Comenius anniversaries in 1892 and 1920 were an important element in the formation of the political culture in the Czech lands, particularly in view of the way they reflected the symbolic creation of the collective spirit of the Nation and State. Based on an analysis of the festive discourse, I conclude that in the new state no answer was found to the basic question of how the independence of the Czechoslovak state was “regained” in Masarykʼs day after the Czech Nationʼs loss of independence during Comeniusʼs time.
EN
The term ‘Central Europe’ can be nowadays reflected on as part of Europe. Rethinking the concept of nation is realistic and important for the ten countries who joined the EU in 2004 from two perspectives: on the one hand in the relation to the pace and quality of catching up with the Western part of Europe, on the other hand in the context of the European participation in the process of globalization. Namely, only the Europe of nations can be a guarantee against the negative effects of Americanisation, therefore it is necessary that in the period of catching up the representation of cultural heritage should also be a decisive factor beside economic processes. Only a Europe with a human face and based on the principle of community is able to play the role of a balance in the current world political processes, which also requires the re-evaluation of the structure and role of the current European Union. In my paper I am examining the social, cultural and political processes taking place in East-Central Europe in the last two hundred years from the above point of view.
PL
Wielu działaczy białoruskich w Polsce w okresie międzywojennym traktowało protestantyzm jako „białoruski kościół narodowy”. W danej publikacji podjęto próbę przeanalizowania sytuacji językowej i narodowej wewnątrz Kościoła protestanckiego, poddano analizie wydawnictwa protestanckie w języku białoruskim. Autorzy poświęcają wiele miejsca niektórym ważnym postaciom białoruskiego ruchu ewangelickiego, które przyczyniły się do narodowego i duchowego odrodzenia Białorusinów. Byli nimi pasterze Łukasz Dziekuć-Malej i Jan Piotrowski. Autorzy doszli do wniosku, że w okresie międzywojennym na ziemiach zachodniobiałoruskich procesy narodotwórcze i ewangeliczne odbywały się jednocześnie. Niektórzy przedstawiciele ruchu ewangelickiego dążyli do uczynienia z protestantyzmu kościoła narodowego Białorusinów. Używano języka białoruskiego w działalności duszpasterskiej, utożsamiano działalność ewangeliczną z działalnością na rzecz kultury i języka białoruskiego. Część inteligencji białoruskiej traktowała protestantyzm jako Kościół, który nie będzie dzielił Białorusinów na „Polaków” i „Rosjan”, jak to często miało miejsce w przypadku katolicyzmu i prawosławia. Wszakże plany te nie zostały zrealizowane. Wśród wiernych ruchu protestanckiego zabrakło osób sympatyzujących z białoruskością. Ponadto znaczna część inteligencji białoruskiej ciążyła ku ateizmowi. Związki protestantyzmu z ruchem białoruskim do dziś są słabo zbadane.
EN
Many Belarusian activists in Poland in the interwar period treated Protestantism as a “Belarusian national church.” This article tells about the linguistic and national situation inside the Protestant church. Protestant publications in the Belarusian language are analyzed. The article also deals with important fi gures of the Belarusian evangelical movement, which contributed to the national and spiritual revival of the Belarusians. They are shepherds, Lukaš Dziеkuć-Maliej and Jan Piatroŭski. The authors came to the conclusion that during the interwar period national and evangelical processes took place simultaneously in the territories of Western Belarus. Some representatives of the Protestant movement sought to make Protestantism the national church of the Belarusians. The Belarusian language was used in pastoral activities, and evangelical activity was identifi ed with activities in favor of Belarusian culture and language. Some of the Belarusian intelligentsia treated Protestantism as a church that does not divide the Belarusians into “Poles” and “Russians”, as was often the case with Catholicism and the Orthodox Church. In the end, these plans were not implemented. Among the believers of the Protestant movement, there were not enough people who sympathized with the Belarusian cause. In addition, a significant part of the Belarusian intelligentsia adhered to atheistic views. The links between Protestantism and the Belarusian movement are still poorly understood.
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EN
The aim of the article was to try to answer the question (under the influence of current events): „can the concept of a nation be interpreted in such a way that it can be deprived of its most important features and understood not in accordance to its essence”? The entry point was a provision placed in the amendment to the Polish Act on the Institute of National Remembrance of January 26, 2018, which provides for penalties for attributing responsibility or co-responsibility to the Polish Nation or Polish State for the crimes of the Third Reich. Can these concepts be recognized differently and lead to results that are not consistent with the intention of the legislator? The author presents their definitions formulated in the literature and key legal texts, expressing his opinion on the subject discussed.
PL
Celem artykułu było podjęcie, pod wpływem aktualnych wydarzeń, próby odpowiedzi na pytanie: „Czy pojęcie narodu może być interpretowane w taki sposób, aby mogło zostać pozbawione najważniejszych dla niego cech i tym samym rozumiane wbrew jego istocie?”. Punktem wyjścia był przepis umieszczony w nowelizacji polskiej ustawy o Instytucie Pamięci Narodowej z dnia 26 stycznia 2018 r., w którym przewidziano karanie za przypisywanie narodowi lub państwu polskiemu odpowiedzialności lub współodpowiedzialności za zbrodnie III Rzeszy Niemieckiej. Czy przedmiotowe pojęcia mogą być ujmowane inaczej i prowadzić do rezultatów niezgodnych z intencją ustawodawcy? Autor przedstawia ich definicje sformułowane w literaturze oraz kluczowych tekstach prawnych, wyrażając swoją opinię na poruszany temat.
PL
This paper focuses on the symbolic role attributed to Cyprian Norwid (1821–1883) in the young poets’ and critics’ circle gathered around the right-wing conspiracy journal Art and Nation (1942–1944) in occupied Warsaw. They used a paraphrase of Norwid’s words, “The artist is the organizer of national imagination”, in order to emphasize their aim of an autonomous and at the same time nationally committed art. However, in many statements by Andrzej Trzebiński (1922–1943) and Wacław Bojarski (1921–1943), the term “nation” appears to be more of a performative gesture than a reference to a consistent, historically evolving reality, as conceived of by Norwid. It was only in the 1944 essay “History and Deed”, never to be printed in the underground, that the circle’s foremost poet Tadeusz Gajcy (1922–1944) critically revisited anti-traditional activism and championed a genuinely “Norwidian”, contemplation-based understanding of creativity.
EN
Protective associations represent a specific manifestation of nationalism of the latter half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The first associations of this type were being established primarily in the German-speaking environment within the Czech lands. The National Union for Southwest Moravia and the National Union of Pošumaví made it their goal to care for Czech communities on the ethnic border from the Czech-majority town of Plzeň to German-dominated Brno. Like their earlier German counterparts, they strived to advance minority education and culture. They sent journals and material as well as financial help to the threatened areas to reinforce the national consciousness of the local population. The activity of protective associations should not only be interpreted by judging the organisation as a whole; regional differences should also be respected.
EN
The phenomenological contemplations of Edith Stein contained in her book entitled The Structure of the Human Being inspired the author of this article to discuss anthropological dilemmas related to the social and scientific events that took place in three decades of the 20th century. The modern-day interpretation of the book leads us to the discovery of the differences between terms used to describe the way we perceive the human being. The main antinomies, explained in the text, concern the following: person – character, person – individual, individual – individuum, human being – citizen, person – personality. Stein generally prefers the following terms: “person”, “human being” and “individuum”. An attempt to answer the question, “To what extent a human being is determined by its social life” required the analysis of such sociological concepts as community, family, nation (and nationality), the state (and statehood), society, the country, patriotism. Studying the similarities and differences between the terms generated further questions: “Is a human being obliged to remain loyal to its nation and the country or to the society and the state?” and, most importantly, “Can one lead a valuable life beyond the national community?” According to Edith Stein, the human being is first of all to be faithful to God and then to its country. The last of the questions she answers positively: it is possible to lead a valuable life beyond a national community. The article discusses and justifies two theses, well reflected in Edith Stein’s beliefs: 1) the culture of a nation is decided not only by its inner life (e.g. social relations, economy, politics), but also by the attitude towards other nations (e.g. peaceful cooperation, brotherhood, friendliness); 2) humanity constitutes the fundamental and common community, which encompasses and forms the foundation for lesser communities. Both of the theses seem to sum up the humanistic intellectual attitude in the analyzed subject matter. As such, they are indispensable for the family, schools or other educational or cultural institutions in educational shaping of future generations.
PL
Rozważania fenomenologiczne Edith Stein zawarte w dziele Budowa osoby ludzkiej zainspirowały autorkę tekstu do ukazania dylematów antropologicznych wynikających z wydarzeń społecznych i naukowych trzech dekad XX wieku. Współczesna interpretacja dzieła niemieckiej fenomenolog prowadzi do odkrycia różnic terminologicznych wyrażających określone postrzeganie istoty ludzkiej. Główne antynomie, wyjaśnione w tekście, dotyczyły terminów: „człowiek”, „osoba”, „osobowość”, „osobnik”, „jednostka”, „indywidualność”, „indywiduum”, „obywatel”. Terminami, które preferuje Stein są „osoba”, „człowiek” i „indywiduum”, chociaż posługuje się również pojęciem „jednostka”. Udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakiej mierze osoba ludzka jest zdeterminowana przez swój byt społeczny, wymagało z kolei przeanalizowania pojęć socjologicznych, takich jak „wspólnota”, „ród”, „naród” (i „narodowość”), „państwo” (i „państwowość”), „społeczeństwo”, „ojczyzna”, „patriotyzm”. Uchwycenie podobieństw i różnic między nimi implikowało kolejne pytanie: czy człowieka obowiązuje wierność narodowi i ojczyźnie czy społeczeństwu i państwu, oraz skoncentrowanie się na dylemacie najistotniejszym: czy można prowadzić życie wartościowe poza obrębem wspólnoty narodowej? Edith Stein uważa, że człowieka obowiązuje przede wszystkim wierność Bogu, a następnie ojczyźnie. Na ostatnie z postawionych pytań odpowiada twierdząco: w pewnych warunkach społeczno-politycznych (wątpliwych pod względem etycznym lub moralnym) można, a nawet należy prowadzić życie wartościowe poza wspólnotą narodową. Wysunięte i uzasadnione w artykule tezy, znajdują odzwierciedlenie w poglądach Edith Stein. Pierwsza – o kulturze narodu decyduje nie tylko jego życie wewnętrzne (np. relacje społeczne, gospodarka, polityka), ale również stosunek do innych narodów (np. nastawienie na pokojowe współdziałanie; braterstwo, przychylność), oraz kolejna – podstawową powszechną wspólnotą obejmującą wszelkie mniejsze wspólnoty jest ludzkość, która stanowi również ich podwalinę – zdają się kwintesencją humanistycznego stanowiska intelektualnego w analizowanym zakresie tematycznym. Wychowawcze kształtowanie kolejnych pokoleń w rodzinie, szkole i innych instytucjach edukacyjnych bądź kulturalnych wymaga uważnego uwzględnienia tychże stwierdzeń
PL
Artykuł zajmuje się skomplikowaną relacją pomiędzy językiem, narodem i tożsamością w węgierskiej epoce reform (1825-1848). Tematem jest krajobraz literacki w Peszcie-Budzie w pierwszej połowie XIX w.: popularna w tym czasie w królestwie węgierskim koncepcja o ‚Natio Hungarica’ a także losy autorów, którzy mieli tożsamość zwaną ‚Hungarus’, ale jako pisarze nie chcieli lub nie potrafili pisać po węgiersku. Jako przykład służy hrabia Johann Mailáth (1786-1855), pośrednik między narodami, między Pesztem-Budą i Wiedniem, zwolennik idei patriotyzmu państwowego, jak rozumiał go Hormayr.
EN
The article examines the gradual development of a complex relationship between language, nation and identity in the Hungarian Reform Era. It presents the literary landscape of Pest-Buda in the first half of the 19th century; the concept of ‘Natio Hungarica‘ circulating in the Kingdom of Hungary at the time; and the fate of those authors who professed to be Hungarians, but did not wish to, or could not, use Hungarian as literary language. The work of Count Johann Mailáth (1786-1855) – a transnational mediator between Pest-Buda and Vienna, supporter of state patriotism as Hormayr understood it – serves as an example.
DE
Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich der Frage, wie sich das komplizierte Verhältnis von Sprache, Nation und Identität im ungarischen Reformzeitalter entwickelte. Dargestellt werden die Pest-Budaer Literaturlandschaft in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, die zu dieser Zeit im Königreich Ungarn kursierenden Auffassungen über die ‚Natio Hungarica‘ sowie das Schicksal jener Autor*innen, die sich trotz ihrer deutschen Muttersprache als Hungarus bekannten, aber die sich als Schriftsteller*innen nicht des Ungarischen bedienen wollten oder konnten. Als Beispiel dient Graf Johann Mailáth (1786-1855), eine transnationale Vermittlerfigur zwischen Pest-Buda und Wien und Anhänger der Idee des Staatspatriotismus im Sinne Hormayrs.
DE
Das Ziel des Artikels ist es, die Aktualität des Gedankens von Ortega für die gegenwärtige Philosophie zu verteidigen. Am Anfang wird erläutert, was für Ortega das Hauptmoment der modernen Welt bildet: die Konstruktion der eigenen Identität auf der Grundlage der individuellen Veranlagungen. Ortega zufolge bildet sie den wichtigsten Aspekt europäischer Kultur, den man um jeden Preis verteidigen sollte. Wenn man diese Idee in der Theorie des Wissens anwendet, bekommt man als Ergebnis den Perspektivismus, der die Legitimation für liberale Demokratie bildet.
EN
The aim of the article is to provide explanation as to why José Ortega is still relevant for the current philosophical thought. It begins with exploration of what he claims to be a central element of the modern world: the construction of own identity according to individual criteria. In opinion of Ortega, this personal undertaking constitutes a pivotal component of the European culture, and therefore must be defended at all costs. This idea, when translated into a theory of knowledge, results in the emergence of perspectivism that serves to legitimize liberal democracy.
ES
Nuestro propósito es defender la relevancia de Ortega para el pensamiento filosófico actual. Para ello exponemos lo que según Ortega era un elemento central del mundo moderno: la construcción por parte de cada uno de su propia identidad atendiendo a criterios personales. De acuerdo con Ortega este proyecto constituye una característica importantísima de la cultura europea que hay que defender a toda costa. Por último, cuando esto se traduce a teoría del conocimiento el resultado es un perspectivismo que legitima la democracia liberal.
PL
Celem artykułu jest obrona aktualności myśli Ortegi dla współczesnej myśli filozoficznej. Na początku zostaje wyjaśnione to, co dla Ortegi stanowi centralny moment współczesnego świata: konstrukcja własnej tożsamości na podstawie indywidualnych predyspozycji. Według Ortegi, jest to najbardziej istotny aspekt kultury europejskiej, którego należy bronić za wszelką cenę. Jeśli tę ideę przełożyć na teorię wiedzy, jako rezultat otrzymuje się perspektywizm, który stanowi legitymizację dla liberalnej demokracji.
EN
In this article, an author proves that devolution based on the national identity fosters political development in Wales. The main historical facts are briefly recalled, coming smoothly to Tony Blair’s reforms and their partly failure. Author considers them as irreversible process’ elements, later continued by David Cameron who saw them as vital to awake national identity of Wales. Such efforts finally result in economic success of the whole region, based on devolution of powers, as it is concluded at the end. 
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