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EN
The study uses unpublished sources from the National Archives in London and scientific literature to analyse the British Legation in Prague’s perception of Czech-German relations in Czechoslovakia up to 1933. After some initial fumbling caused by a lack of knowledge of the Central European region following the collapse of Austria-Hungary, responsible officials in London decided to wait for the outcome of the peace conference in Paris. At the same time, British diplomats acknowledged that they would have to rely on co-operation with France in the region, and as a result indirectly supported French claims and demands; once the peace conference had ended, however, Great Britain focused on its own issues and the affairs of its empire. At the start of the 1920s, the British diplomatic mission in Prague also settled in its position and the first Minister, George Clerk, provided unbiased information on Czech-German coexistence within Czechoslovakia, and partially acknowledged that both sides were right (he understood some of the Germans’ objections), but on the other hand he clearly recognised the new state and perceived its minorities policy as very accommodating, and respect ing international obligations. Following the calm period of the 1920s when even the British Legation in Prague remarked on the qualitative shift in relations between both ethnicities, the beginning of the 1930s arrived alongside the economic crisis, which transformed the domestic political situation within the First Czechoslovak Republic. According to British Minister, Joseph Addison, the position of the largest minority in the country had deteriorated, something he thought was due to the fact that Czechoslovak officials were breaching the Minority Treaty and were not doing enough for the wellbeing of its German population, and that this did not bode well for the future.
EN
Nowadays there are six groups in Austria, which are officially known as national minorities. According to the figures from the 2001 national census, 17 241 persons have declared they were speaking Croatian in everyday life, 14 746 Slovenian, 15 390 Hungarian, 5 778 Czech, 1 775 Slovak and 1 732 Roma language. The widest rights possess Slovenian, Croatian and Hungarian minorities. In the administrative and judicial districts of Carinthia, Burgenland and Styria, the Slovene, Croat and Hungarian language are accepted as an official language in addition to German. In suchdistricts topographical terminology and inscriptions shall be in this languages as well as in German. This groups get also the biggest financial help from the government. The Roma, Czech and Slovak minorities have worse situation than others. The constitution, the acts (mainly from 1976 year) and many ordinances regulate problems of minorities. They guarantee the rights in different sphere of live (like education, culture, language rights). But on the other hand the group of people which speaks minority language has been decreased. In Austria Polish people are not accepted as the minority. There is still no official ordinance about that.
EN
Author ties the long period of works on the Law of National Minorities in Poland with domination of Polish language society. In communities where minorities have at least 20 % inhabitants they are going to be given the right to use their native language in public sphere. The paper presents attitudes and opinions of Ukrainians themselves about the planned Law of National Minorities and works on it.
EN
In 1991 the regenerating country of Latvia had to face the consequences of Soviet occupation, including the "colonization" of Latvian grounds by the influx of hundreds of thousands Russians supplying the industrial plants, offices and politics of Latvian SSR. The way that Russians and Latvians have been through if it comes to the relations between them was not straight, if we take the accompanying internal conditions and international context into account. Surely it also has not been finished and still requires the will of dialogue from both sides. Giving the opportunity of gaining the citizenship by naturalization, supporting everybody who was interested in getting civic rights and aiming at social integration Latvia has answered positively the question about the future of Russian inhabitants of the republic and challenges that appeared after years of occupation.
EN
When the war activities came to a close, first Jews started to come into town, mainly the former prisoners from Gross-Rosen concentration camp, and then the displaced rescued in the territory of the Soviet Union. The newcomers soon opened their own educational facilities and in the school year 1946/1947 in Legnica there were: a kindergarten, a foster house, a heder, a primary school with Hebrew as the language of lecture, a kibbutz and a Hebrew primary school. The educational pluralism did not last long because from the school year 1950/1951 there remained just one state-controlled Jewish school (the other facilities had been closed). The kindergarten was the only exception and although it received the status of a public institution it preserved Jewish character until mid-50s. The subsequent years brought significant fluctuation of teachers and students as many of them left Poland in the first half of the 1950s, whereas from 1956 more newcomers arrived from the USSR. On September 1, 1959 a high-school class was launched in the local primary school. In the 1960s the emigration of Jews from Legnica increased significantly, which resulted in smaller number of students. A breakthrough year was 1968, when, because of too small number of children (38 in total), on August 31 the Jewish high-school and primary school ceased to exist.
PL
 Education in post-war Legnica (1945–1968) When the war activities came to a close, first Jews started to come into town, mainly the former prisoners from Gross-Rosen concentration camp, and then the displaced rescued in the territory of the Soviet Union. The newcomers soon opened their own educational facilities and in the school year 1946/1947 in Legnica there were: a kindergarten, a foster house, a heder, a primary school with Hebrew as the language of lecture, a kibbutz and a Hebrew primary school. The educational pluralism did not last long because from the school year 1950/1951 there remained just one state-controlled Jewish school (the other facilities had been closed). The kindergarten was the only exception and although it received the status of a public institution it preserved Jewish character until mid-50s. The subsequent years brought significant fluctuation of teachers and students as many of them left Poland in the first half of the 1950s, whereas from 1956 more newcomers arrived from the USSR. On September 1, 1959 a high-school class was launched in the local primary school. In the 1960s the emigration of Jews from Legnica increased significantly, which resulted in smaller number of students. A breakthrough year was 1968, when, because of too small number of children (38 in total), on August 31 the Jewish high-school and primary school ceased to exist
EN
This article focus on Slovak‑Hungarian relations. The study aims to draft a more differentiate and precise picture on Hungarian and Slovak revision efforts and the bilateral relations as one may find in any professional literature till now, in particular in non‑Slavic works. The author has used new archive documents and materials. The political climate between Bratislava and Budapest in the first half of 1939 was strongly influenced by mutual territorial claims. Diplomatic relations between Slovakia and Hungary were characterised by three main problems since 1939 and in 1940: the affiliation of the territories in the Upper Hungary and national minorities living there; gaining Germany as an ally at the expense of the other party, and the principle of reciprocity. Ratification of the Slovak State was the most important goal of the Slovak foreign policy in 1939, both within the regional and European context. The Slovak policy also strived to find new and influential allies and believed that Germany and the Soviet Union could play that role. Slovak leaders wanted revision in respect to Hungary and wanted also to reach the revision of the 1st Vienna Award. In July 1939 the Slovak propaganda clearly presented the idea that Slovaks could not accept the borders of their homeland. The speeches in the Hungarian parliament called the attention of the public in both countries to the problems, especially after they published in the press. In practice, they limited the transgressions of officials and police on both sides to some extent. We can say the biggest mistake in the given period was that the governments were not able to rise above the issue of reciprocity and territories, what hindered their possible cooperation against Germans in the future.
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