Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Authors help
Years help

Results found: 46

first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Nationalism
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Nacjonalizm w Etiopii

100%
EN
This article investigates the source and evolution of nationalism in Ethiopia. Nationalism is defined on the bases of certain criteria, such as language culture and shared values within a specific ethnic group.Ethiopia is the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural country. There are more than 80 different ethnic groups and as many languages.The relations between these ethnic groups had never been smooth. The development of nationalism and violence goes back to the very historical foundation of the Ethiopian state, which is based on the forced incorporation of independent Southern nations. The centralized Ethiopian State in favor of a single ethnic group mainly (Amhara) imposed domination on other ethnic groups. On the background of this history, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Tigraj Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), Eritrean Peoples Democratic Liberation Front (EPDLF) among others, opened an armed resistance against the State. After along destructive fight, Eritrea became an independent country. Many other ethnic groups similarly, based on ethnic nationalism formed their own liberation fronts as the ultimate goal of independence, are still fighting. The fast growing process of ethnic nationalism in Ethiopia may cause the disintegration of the country, unless the genuine and equal participation of all ethnic groups in the political cultural and economic life of the country is guaranteed by law.
EN
The discussion about nation and ideas connected with it has a long tradition, tremendously multithreaded and varied in interpretations. We are practically unable of counting all attempts to create the definition of a nation. They are all more or less precise, for understandable reasons reflects their author's social and cultural experiences, reaching for specific metaphors, and sometimes being a form of intellectual provocation. A conception of a nation is strongly tied to the category of minority, especially the ethnic minority. Both those definitions are often used in turns. A very interesting issue is analyzing the connections between nationalism and religion.
EN
Deep economic and democratic changes in Georgian society in last 20 years have conditioned the transformation of social environment in such a way that people had to change their views on society and their place in the new social environment. Changing attitudes on social reality affected and transformed the whole system of social identity. Transformation processes were characterized with reduced trust and tolerance among people and different social groups and with increase/weakening of different aspects of basic identities. Difficulties emerging from the process of formation of identity system hinder the development integration processes in the society. For the society in transition in the conditions of normative uncertainty and devaluation of values actuality of such problems as are the lack of trust on every level of relationship and disorientation of people, is of high importance. Our starting issue is that nowadays in the framework of construction of social identity basic identity encompasses civil, national, confessional, ideological elements which determine the state of a person in the system of social coordinates. The subject of this sociological research was to study the role of religion and ethnicity in the modern configuration of identity in Georgian society.
EN
This study deals with the Italian question in the Habsburg Monarchy between 1815 and 1835 in terms of the Austrian political and police sources. In the introduction, the author points out the shortcomings of the newly acquired Austrian Italian territories Lombardy and Venetia as well as the measures seeking to suppress nationalism, constitutionalism and jacobinism there. Since the Austrian authorities had not considered the incorporation process by far as concluded, the nature of the documents mentioned above follow the line of strict surveillance and threat identification, investigation, arrest and repression. In the last section, the attention is being paid to various questions concerning the incarceration of Carbonari at the notorious Moravian prison fortress Spielberg, e. g., the way of their treatment, medical care or spiritual control.
EN
Assessment of the census routine in Cisleithania and after 1918 also in Czechoslovakia requires a comparison with census routines in neighbouring countries. Nationality assessments have been always accompanied by controversies that became a part of a political fight and their results have been often impugned. The study sums up opinions as for relevance and trustworthiness of census routines as they were demonstrated at the time of censuses and also later in journalisms and historiography. The greatest attention has been paid to a situation in Germany and Poland due to a numerous German and Polish minority in the Czechoslovak Republic and also due to the fact that in these countries it was mainly the language that was perceived as the main criterion of the nationality and the nationality did not use to be associated with the state citizenship. We can follow how, gradually, in particular historical conditions the very notion of the nationality was being changed together with criteria perceived as the background of the nationality assessment. Various controversial disproportions, as it seems, were much more evident in Poland or Germany than in Cisleithania or in the interwar Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, it has also turned out that applying of central standpoints upon the situation in much more distant regions would be always precarious, which does not concern the census category only.
EN
In contemporary Europe, there can be noted the overlapping and rivalry of the two signifi cant tendencies, which are becoming stronger and stronger. On one hand, one can notice multilevel processes of integration and conditions connected with them and that are concerned with democracy, tolerance, globalization, etc. On the other hand, one can observe disintegrative factors of various kind, which refer to actions and postures connected with chauvinism, xenophobia, neo- fascism and separatism. In the second view, especially in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), various aspects connected with nationalism seem to be of great significance. This is clearly reflected by the events which took place in, for example, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo or Macedonia.
EN
The study summarizes the history of the Czech Constitutional Progressive Party, a special voice of the radical Czech nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century. It was the first political party, which incorporated the idea of an independent Czech state outside the framework of Austria-Hungary, counted with the international solution of the Czech question, and stood in the forefront of domestic and foreign resistance during the World War I.
EN
It is the aim of this article to examine the relations between the conception of masculine bourgeois family life and Czech nationalism. This conception can be reconstructed on the basis of Czech literary production of the middle of nineteenth century. This research focuses on the period in which fundamental changes were taking place in European thinking on gender order also within family life. The article attempts to prove that this literary production was convincing the male readers that there was no possibility to combine being a family man and being a good Czech patriot.
EN
The aim of the paper is to show how to solve contemporary nationalistic issues, known also as „ethnophiletism”, in Orthodox way. Although nationalism is not the ecclesiological problem, its ideas affect the Church, too. The aim of this study is to identify problems, which arising from these nationalistic ideas touch the Church, and to present some ways of solving them. This paper indicates the difference between Orthodox and secular understanding of the term „nation”. The Church attitude to nationality and related issues is not based on a secularism, but it takes as a foundation Christ’s teachings . The paper indicates the problematical questions, in which the clash between the Church teaching and the nationalistic ideas takes place. Church problems based on the ethnic and nationalistic ideas are especially emphasized in this article. Ethnic problems in the Church are presented as an ecclesiological distortion and redefinition of Christian ideals, from which the issue of ethnophiletism was discussed more detailed. The paper shows the problems and also indicates possible solutions in the spirit of the Orthodox Church teaching. Discussing questions of the universal councils decisions and returning to the original ecclesial standards, this paper points out the necessity of eliminating dangerous ideas inside the Church.
EN
The definition of a nation, which could be suitable for all groups, which find themselves as a nation and in the same time are perceived as a nation and are considered a nation by other groups does not exist and probably never will. In European politics in XX century it can be observed that after 1945-1989 has come a period of much more nationalistic character. First of all, "civil society develops nowadays as a national country or remains in more or less close connections with aspirations to creating such country". Secondly, common values that exist in such society are mainly values that enter into the composition of national culture.
EN
After 1848 the inhabitants of three core Bohemian Crown Lands voted for several representative bodies. In 1848 deputies of the Reichstag in Vienna were elected, as well as deputies of the Bohemian Diet in Prague, of the Moravian Diet in Brno and of the broadened Silesian Convent in Opava. Following 1861, i.e. after the revival of constitutionality, renewed elections were held for the Bohemian, as well as for the Moravian and Silesian Diets, and after 1873 even for the Reichstag in Vienna. After 1849, or better to say after 1864, when the new electoral code for the local self-governments came into effect, other local elections were held, which were supplemented in Bohemia with other elections for the district governments. Except of that, following the year 1850 the businessmen, industrialists and tradesmen voted for the Chambers of Commerce with their residence in Prague, Pilsen, Česke Budějovice, Liberec, Cheb, Brno, Olomouc and Opava. The aim of the study is to confront the election results with the ethnical affiliation and to rethink the question, to what extent the different electoral codes could have influenced the political and national split in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia prior to the World War I.
EN
The aim of this article is to examine the origin of “hot nationalism” in the Balkans. Undoubtedly, this kind of nationalism was the final element of the Balkan Wars, that erupted in 1912. The author presents the hypothesis that all Balkan conflicts have in common many factors. First of all, they were leading to develop of the modern nationalism. The ethnic cleansing, which were conducted during the Balkans Wars became the origin of the next Balkan conflicts in XX and XXI centuries. Furthermore, the most important acts of cruelty, violations, rapes, murders are being described along with the overall as it is being manifested in the case of Macedonia. The crucial source of this article constitutes The other Balkan Wars. A 1913 Carnegie Endowment inquiry in retrospect with a new introduction and reflections on the present conflict by George F. Kennan, written in Washington 1993, based on Carnegie Commission Report (1914), whose authors emphasized that “hot nationalism” manifested itself on the field of battle, drew on deeper traits of character inherited, presumably, from a distant tribal past, a tendency to view the outsider, with dark suspicion, and to see the political opponent as a fearful and implacable enemy to be rendered harmless only by total and unpitying destruction. The author asks the question if the “Eastern nationalism”, the most ferocious nationalism, still causes the threat to the security not only in the South Europe but also in the Old Continent?
PL
The aim of this paper is to examine the origin of “hot nationalism” in the Balkans. Undoubtedly, this kind of nationalism was the final element of the Balkan Wars, that erupted in 1912. The author presents the hypothesis that all Balkan conflicts have in common many factors. First of all, they were leading to develop of the modern nationalism. The ethnic cleansing, which were conducted during the Balkans Wars became the origin of the next Balkan conflicts in XX and XXI centuries. Furthermore, the most important acts of cruelty, violations, rapes, murders are being described along with the overall as it is being manifested in the case of Macedonia. The crucial source of this article constitutes The other Balkan Wars. A 1913 Carnegie Endowment inquiry in retrospect with a new introduction and reflections on the present conflict by George F. Kennan, written in Washington 1993, based on Carnegie Commission Report (1914), whose authors emphasized that “hot nationalism” manifested itself on the field of battle, drew on deeper traits of character inherited, presumably, from a distant tribal past, a tendency to view the outsider, with dark suspicion, and to see the political opponent as a fearful and implacable enemy to be rendered harmless only by total and unpitying destruction. The author asks the question if the “Eastern nationalism”, the most ferocious nationalism, still causes the threat to the security not only in the South Europe but also in the Old Continent?
EN
Masaryk’s attitudes changed during his life. At the same time, however, it is also possible to observe certain constants of his thinking and political attitudes on this issue. The interpretive perspectives in historiography are very different: on the one hand, there is the view that the Czech nationalist was betraying the declared humanist ideals; on the other hand, he is portrayed as an scholar exalted above nationalist animosities. It must be acknowledged that he was not always completely coherent in his attitudes and changed accents depending on political circumstances throughout his life. To emphasize these differences, Masaryk’s life is divided into three phases. As a pre-war politician, he understood Czech historical state law as a fact in which he tried to propose a compromise solution for the coexistence of both nationalities based on a high degree of district self-government, which he did not owe to any of the unmatched national camps. During the war, his arguments were dominated by international aspects and the formation of Czechoslovakia as a nation state with the status of the Germans as a minority with equal individual rights. The third part about Masaryk as an interwar president deals mainly with the reasons for the failure to build a «political» nation that would overlap ethnic differences.
EN
In this article, we discuss two different directions about the Georgian nationalism of the 19th century: first we consider, thetrinity of language, homeland, faith – maybe one of the best classical formulations of nationalist project. And second, in the process of creation of the nation, in the course of research of the Georgian nation-building of that period, we can not avoid the role of printed media. Georgian intellectuals published their opinions on general internal problems or foreign policy processes and all the most important ideas expressed by them were widespread by the printed media. Under strict censorship, discussing foreign policy processes was an indirect way to disclose the attitudes of Georgian intellectuals to the building Georgian nation, restoration of state, territorial integrity and independence, as well as to the colonial politics in generall. “Let’s be self-sufficient” is a phrase best describing the main purpose of Georgian intellectuals. However, it is noteworthy that the creators of that time Georgian nationalismprimarily sought to gain autonomy within the Russian Empire, while full political independence was due to the reality a far and difficult goal. Generally, Georgian nationalism developed during that period was clearly mild and was far from ethno-cultural discrimination that is o”en characteristic for nationalism.
EN
This study focuses on nationalist agitators and municipal politicians in the North Bohemian city of Reichenberg (now Liberec) during the period of nationalist political struggles before WWI. It explores — on the example of the record of the language of daily use in 1891 census and other conflicts between German and Czech activists — the ways in which the discourse of the political elites became nationalized — though this hardly reflects the intensity with which people were committed to national issues in their everyday lives. The intensification of the conflicts in Reichenberg is not regarded as a sign of the weakness of civil society, but rather of its growing strength. In the days when the Czech-speaking community in Reichenberg occupied an entirely inferior status, there was no friction between it and the majority German community. The friction came about when the Czech-speaking middle classes gained in strength and influence, and began to engage in nationalist agitation — which was confrontational in nature. The hostile response from the city authorities was essentially a symptom of a struggle for the symbolic occupation of public space. The response adopted by the Reichenberg City Hall (which was similar to other “German” authorities in ethnically mixed towns and cities in the Bohemian lands) was very hard, which to some degree explains (though it does not excuse) the highly confrontational approach taken by the independent Czechoslovak state towards its German citizens in the immediate post-war years.
EN
The Pan-Garman League was established as a pressure group of German nationalists and “defenders of national interests” in the consequence of the release of the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty in 1890. Its founder and an important member was Alfred Hugenberg, who managed to gain support and cooperation of existing nationalist and colonial societies in Germany. The Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband) was established owing to the Hugenberg’s activity in 1891. Although, the colonial policy of Germany was its first primary issue, its interest gradually started to shift towards the Central Europe. The membership of the League was comprised not only of university professors, teachers, clergymen, doctors of medicine, office workers or army officers, but also of important politicians or industrialists. The activity of the League was concentrated primarily on the strengthening of German nationalist ideas in the internal politics of German Empire and the support of the spreading of German cultural influence abroad. The league’s core ideology was a conviction of the German nation’s exclusive mission, right and duty to build a strong Central European and colonial power. To this end, it pursued an aggressive and confident expansionist policy, demanded the broadening of its colonial domination in the world, and promoted the building of a strong navy and other measures which were meant to secure the German Empire a place amongst the great powers of the world.
EN
After the separation from Serbia following a referendum in 2006, the Republic of Montenegro started rebuilding its international image by reinventing its past and present. In fact, through an extensive campaign in both foreign and domestic media, the government attempted to change the perception of Montenegro’s history, focusing especially on the difference between Serbs and Montenegrins. This is understandable considering the minimal numeric superiority of those in favour of the independence, where the national factor was the main determinant. The image of the new Montenegrins, also in light of Montenegro’s route to joining the EU, must be detached from Serbia’s problems (– such as Kosovo) and must divert attention from the ever‑growing problem of international criminal traffic. One of the most emblematic examples of such recreation of virtue are the commercials for Montenegrin tourism, inviting to explore ancient forests, enjoy traditional food and experience “Montenegrin hospitality”: the aim is to send a positive message of non‑nationalistic, Europe‑friendly ethnicity. The purpose is also for Montenegro to be perceived as serene, as opposed to the ex‑partner country, seen largely as wildly nationalistic and ethnically obsessed: therefore, a new form of “soft” ethno‑cultural image has been introduced, incorporating only the best and cleverly minimizing the “non‑acceptable” aspects of its culture and history.
EN
Over the past couple of decades, both the news media and mainstream literature have been awash with stories of some sort of renascent nationalism and populism. Some citizens have begun to express lack of confidence in core representative institutions, accusing politicians and entrepreneurs of having lost touch with the concerns of ordinary people. They demand protection from transnational economic forces undercutting their access to jobs, wages, and benefits, and in addition, from the threats of terrorism associated with Islamic extremism. In this piece, their questioning of liberal civil rights was reviewed. Efforts at liberal homogenization were examined, and the charge that conservative views trivialize the ethics of universal human care, love and collaboration, which are at the heart of creating enduring peace in the world, was considered.
EN
The paper outlines how the portrayal of “us” and “them” changed during the interwar period in the relational web from Prague to Bucharest. The collapse of the Monarchy had shaken some of the foundations of national self-perceptions and brought to the fore hitherto insignificant groups either as active protagonists of politics of identity or as significant others. Nevertheless, the old representations of each other had changed less markedly. The real novelty of the period was that the appearance of Hungarian minorities and their politics of identity enabled the creation of some temporary group constructs that transcended traditional ethnic boundaries and redefined ethnicity on a more region-centred basis
EN
Medieval sources speak, particularly from the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th centuries onwards, of conflicts between Czechs and Germans. Facing competition from German colonization and newly founded towns, usually controlled by the German patriciate, the Czech aristocracy resorted to what could be labelled national or nationalist argumentation. The aristocracy would commission literary works in Czech that used the concept of language as a synonym for nation. In such works, Germans were considered mere “guests” in a land that “naturally” belonged to the Czechs. At the beginning of the 15th century, these national tensions intensified both in towns and at the university in Prague, among others in connection with the emerging reform movement, and there arose the need of a narrower definition of the Czech nation, going beyond the criterion of language.
first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.