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1

Wenzel Johann Tomaschek, nebo Václav Jan Tomášek? Německy mluvící Čech aneb život na hranici dvou jazyků

100%
Kabelkova M.
Hudební věda (Musicology)
|
2009
|
vol. 46
|
issue 4
341-354
EN
One of the current goals of research concerning the Czech national rebirth is clarification of the coexistence of Czech and German cultures in the Czech lands during the first half of the nineteenth century. V. J. Tomasek (1774-1850), one of the most important musicians of this period, was a Czech not only officially: he felt himself to be Czech, and supported the Czech language and culture. However, as an adult he probably spoke and wrote more in German, as confirmed by preserved writings of his such as correspondence, his autobiography, reviews, a catalogue of pupils, and his last will and testament. Moreover, in his vocal compositions, which form the main part of his output, most of the texts he set to music are in German. Tomasek himself commented on his relation to the Czech language and Czech culture very briefly; testimony to his warm but modest patriotism is found in recollections written by his brother-in-law K. V. Hansgirg and his friend P. A. Klar. Tomasek's cultural and national orientation is also documented by his contacts with Czech patriots and his work with the magazine Ost und West, which was intended for the Czech and Czech-German intelligentsia. Characteristic of Tomasek is patriotism attached to a geographical territory, whereby what was most important was his relationship to the land, its history, and its culture.
2
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MacIntyre i anatomia moralności patriotycznej

100%
Drałus D.
Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia
|
2007
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vol. 2
|
issue 2
45-60
EN
Patriotism has recently become one the most important concepts of contemporary political philosophy. Its contemporary practical and theoretical poignancyhas been vividly presented in Alasdair MacIntyre’s discussion of patriotic morality. He presents conflicting approaches and views of the patriotic morality as polarized around two moral categories: virtue and vice. The paper is devoted to the discussion of the relation between liberal tradition and a concept of patriotism which would be acceptable within its discourse on the one hand, and, on the other, the contents of patriotism within the communitarian tradition. The aim of the paper is to answer a question whether, from the perspective outlined by MacIntyre, patriotism is compatible with liberal values, and whether the patriotic morality will necessarily generate an internal conflict within that tradition.
3

CIVIC EDUCATION IN LATVIA? NO, THANKS, WE WILL JUST STICK TO PATRIOTIC UPBRINGING

80%
Curika L.
Humanities and Social Sciences: Latvia
|
2008
|
issue 3(56)
106-123
EN
In Europe great attention is devoted to civic education; in order to ensure the development of democratic countries, the majority of society must understand how the political system functions. A comparison of national standards for primary education and general secondary education reveals that primary school students acquire more comprehensive civic knowledge, and that education planning documents are oriented towards patriotic, not civic, education. Results of quantitative and qualitative studies confirm that students have poor knowledge about civic participation and insufficient skills for living in a democratic country. Problems existing in civic education are caused by educational standards and the process of political planning; they are also caused by covert education content (teachers' understanding of democratic participation, opinions about controversial historical aspects), the environment (democracy at school, participation of parents and students in decision making at school), passive learning and the political situation in the country. At the same time, the desire of politicians to foster patriotism can be achieved also through facilitating understanding of civic values and participation in democratic processes.
4

Patriotyzm wstydliwy. Debata o patriotyzmie i prawie imigracyjnym na początku XXI wieku w Niemczech

80%
Kobzarska-Bar B.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
|
2010
|
vol. 11
241-254
EN
In the discussion that has been going on since the end of the WW II in Germany and which concerns German patriotism, CDU and CSU parties have taken over the role of its regulator by the extortion of taking the offensive from the SPD. At the beginning of the 21st century the debate on the patriotism in Germany was mainly focused on the value system that was supposed to be the foundation of an agreement and social activity by uniting all the social strengths for the good of the common country. The debate, carried out under the banner of ‘Leitkultur’, though socially important, was only a smoke-screen beyond which the manipulation of the immigration law had taken place. In the end, the immigration law bill was passed in a form that did not satisfy any of the co-originator parties. At the same time the act of citizenship was changed. The effectiveness of its solutions, as a means of social integration, is disputable.
5
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Idea wielokulturowości w ocenie studentów pedagogiki w perspektywie zmiany społecznej

80%
Ecler-Nocoń B., Kitlińska-Król M.
Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW
|
2013
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issue 1
37-46
EN
In the paper the authors put a question: Are the patriotism and the Love of Motherland (Fatherland, Homeland) well-founded before the cultural changes? The analysis research on interpretation idea of multiculturalism by students of Pedagogy brings two different answers. The first answer is connected with as ideas as patriotism and the Love of Motherland (in the other words is connected with the answer for a question about identity: I am what?) The second answers shows the students as spokesmen of change. The students perceives the reality as variable, changing, fluid structure which exerts influence on identity of man. The authors don’t settle question, which has been put for a start. They leave the doubt readers.
6

TOPICALITY OF POLITICAL REPUBLICANISM

80%
Anchústegui Igartua E.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2020
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vol. 75
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issue 5
356 – 371
EN
In this article I reflect upon political republicanism and its conceptual development in distinct historical periods. For this, I summarize the position of key republican authors and analyse the main concepts which have shaped this current of political thought. My objective is to present a reasoned exposition of republican political theory, inviting the reader to adapt it to our own societies and their challenges.
7

IDEA UHORSKÉHO VLASTENECTVA A OBČIANSKEJ INDIVIDUÁLNOSTI NA KRIŽOVATKE POLITICKÝCH STRATÉGIÍ

80%
Martinkovič M.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2006
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vol. 61
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issue 10
838-858
EN
A constitutive part of the political opposition in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century against the political and philosophical stands of the liberally oriented New school were also the pro-government newspapers 'Krajan' and 'Vlastenec'. Although their formal ground were the principles of the civic liberalism, they in fact subordinated the last to the idea of Hungarian patriotism and the strategy of preserving the status quo. These pro-government periodicals defended politically the idea of exclusivity of the political rights of the previous 'natio hungarica'. Concomitant to it was the idea of the meritocracy and superiority of the fatherland over the individual nations, or the whole over the part. The dominating interpretation of Hegel's philosophy of history, adopted by the Hungarian political elite, as well as its romantic one-sidedness (transparent in enforcing of the political objectives, i.e. setting out the patriotism in the Hungarian style, regardless to the cultural diversity) made it in the long run impossible to implement the liberal principles of the civic and cultural equality in the Hungarian region of the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy.
8

WHAT BEING A WOMAN IN POLAND MEANS - THE NATIONAL IDENTITY OF WOMEN OVER 50 YEARS OF AGE IN POLAND

80%
Stelmaszczyk J.
Dyskursy Młodych Andragogów / Adult Education Discourses
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2008
|
vol. 9
265-275
EN
The paper analyses the research material collected during seven interviews with women of 50+ years of age conducted by students of the University of Lódz specializing in adult education. The aim of the research was to define the factors which influence the concept of national identity. The information was collected on the basis of the following questions: What does it mean to be a Pole and a woman to you?; What does the concept of patriotism mean to you?; When did you feel that you are a Polish woman?; What do you understand by 'Polish identity' and how was this 'Polish identity' shaped? On the one hand the analysis is based on the theoretical model of national identity developed by P. Boski and on the other hand by a paper written by Jolanta Mikulska in which the authoress presents the criteria which identify the national identity as one of the elements of the social identity of individual people. The feedback presented proves, that the respondents treat the struggle for the independence of one's country as the primary and the most important task of patriots. This attitude defined by heroism and martyrdom, which constitute the pattern of a citizen seems to be typical of less educated persons. While responding to the questionnaire - the image of a Polish woman occurs to be equated with Catholicism, patriotism, good cooking, admiration for Polish nature, and devotion to bringing up children. None of the respondents mentioned professional career, and only one mentioned social activity as an element of citizenship. It seems therefore, that the Polish identity is still understood as martyrdom and there is little space in it for everyday work for the benefit of the country.
9
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Novinové zpravodajství v pražských novinách na sklonku 18. století (Rozšiřování zpravodajské sítě a její celorakouská orientace)

80%
Simecek Z.
Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)
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2007
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vol. 32
39-53
EN
The author points out differences in the manifestations of Slavic awareness in Prague newspapers published in German and Czech. He connects the use of Slavic stereotypes (admiration of the Russian military power, the bravery of Montenegrins and Serbs in their fight against Turks and admiration of the Polish history) with Czech language patriotism. He focuses on the common news basis established by the publisher of newspapers in Czech and German - J. F. Schonfeld - for the purposes of his editorial board. Up-to-date news could be drawn from 'Diarium' published in Vienna, imperial newspapers and newspapers in German published by Slavs in the countries of the Hapsburg Monarchy.
10
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MORALITY VERSUS PARTIALITY

80%
Boltuc P.
Analiza i Egzystencja. Czasopismo Filozoficzne
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2005
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issue 2
25-38
EN
Patriotism is not a viable option for the traditional universalistic moral systems, including Kantian rationalism and especially for consequentialism. The author follows Sosa in claiming that not all forms of consequentialism have to lack 'deontic components'. He follows up with a stronger claim, that not all systems, deontic or consequentialist, have to accept strong universalism that precludes non-instrumental special moral concerns. He presents the main alternatives: (a) Dancy's moral particularism; (b) Nagel's idea of partiality based on the non-reducible difference between personal and impersonal view points; (c) Scheffler's concern with non-voluntary special duties; (d) a broad range of philosophies, from Aristotle's to the ethics of care that use non-homogenous models. The author closes by claiming that the non-homogenous models result in viable moral theories. Such theories treat ethics not as a source of moral recommendations to the effect of what should happen in a given situation, but rather as rules of a largely competitive game that adjudicate two things: (1) what each agent should do in a given situation; (2) what constraints should be imposed on the manner in which that moral competition is taking place.
11
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La Polonia cercana e idealizada de los exiliados republicanos catalanes

70%
Glondys O.
Studia Iberystyczne
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2009
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vol. 8
423-436
EN
This article is a commentary on the texts of the Catalan exiles of the Spanish Civil War, developing the topos of Poland, which has been present in the writings of Catalan Nationalists since the XIX century. The analysis starts with the Historia dels moviments nacionalistas [1912-1914] by Antoni Rovira i Virgili, then follows with fragments of Dietari del primer mes de la guerra [1939] by Carles Pi i Sunyer, and his long poem Diàleg de les Verges Negres de Polònia i Catalunya [1939], to finish with the articles of César Pi i Sunyer (1939) and Manuel Serra i Moret [1947]. All of these writings, which idealize the Polish patriotism and the history of Poland and ascend it to a category of a myth, arose from the yearning for Catalonia and the awareness of the common fate of victims of the totalitarian Europe.
12

'AT HOME NOWHERE AND EVERYWHERE': MUSINGS OF THE POSTMODERN HONG KONG CITIZEN

70%
Wong D.
Asian and African Studies
|
2005
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vol. 14
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issue 2
148-157
EN
Home connotes a living space that marks a place. The construction of 'home' involves not only a spatial arrangement, but also a transformation of the space into a meaningful place where the occupant inscribes his or her values. Subsequently, it becomes a cultural index. It cannot be encapsulated solely by physical architecture. Its formation indexes the relationship between the occupant and home as a concept or as a physical presence of spatial arrangement, a place where people can locate their identities. The article aims at looking into the (re)organization of spaces and the conditions of the prescription of boundaries in contemporary fiction and films to elaborate the relationship between the idea of home and the sense of belonging generated.
13

PATRIOTIC EDUCATION OF THE CONFIRMATION CANDIDATES (Wychowanie patriotyczne mlodziezy przygotowujacej sie do przyjecia sakramentu bierzmowania jako element duszpasterstwa mlodziezy)

70%
Dziegielewska A.
Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej
|
2011
|
vol. 10
201-211
EN
John Paul II much relied on young people. He saw them as a great potential of goodness which was to be the beginning of the 'civilisation of love'. One of the tasks of the Church is to make the young responsible for the reality they live in. It is done within the chaplaincy of the young. One of its aspects is parish pre-confirmation courses. Their purpose is not only to prepare the young for the sacrament of Christian maturity, but also to make them sensitive to national and religious identity and to shape the future of the world they live in.
14

Dwie ojczyzny — dwa patriotyzmy (Słowacki–Norwid)

61%
Inglot M.
Prace Literackie
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2011
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vol. 51
85-107
EN
In their writings the great Polish Romantics, Mickiewicz and Słowacki, first of all tackled the question of Poland’s independence and democratic transformations that were to achieve that objective. They distrusted the economic and civilisational changes taking place in western Europe and stressed Poland’s uniqueness, its distinctiveness when compared with the rest of Europe. In developing the views of Mickiewicz as the author of Konfederaci barscy, Słowacki particularly glorified the so-called gentry democracy and advocated a vision of Poland as a homeland chosen by God and made a guiding star for peoples on their way to liberation from the bondage of the Holy Alliance. Both poets were adherents of Jagiellonian Poland, a Poland of three nations and it was through such Poland that they imagined the future of Europe. Norwid wrote in conscious opposition to the “giants,” at the same time regarding himself as their successors in national leadership. What mattered for him first of all were Poles the citizens, less so Poles the patriots. His concept of “citizenship” was far removed from noblemen’s sarmatism (and the notion that “a nobleman’s home is his castle” or that there is no man that a nobleman would think of as a superior) and close to Enlightenment views on the matter. For him, too, Poland was a chosen nation but under the law of salvation covering the entire Christian Europe. Poland’s role in Europe was measured only by Poland’s contribution to a European community, like Jan III Sobieski’s relief of Vienna. It was to this community that Poland owed its identity. Our homeland was based primarily on Judeo-Christian and ancient traditions, and these traditions — linked first of all to ancient and Christian Rome — were to be the dominant traditions for us. Norwid was opposed to the idea of Poland’s leading role in the transformation of the world and he saw our homeland as part of a future united Europe of equal, democratic nations.
15
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DECONSTRUCTION OF POLISHNESS AND GERMANESS. RUDNICKI AND ZALUSKI (Wokól stereotypów polskosci i niemieckosci. Rudnicki i Zaluski)

51%
Dabrowski M.
Porównania
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2009
|
vol. 6
211-224
EN
The text takes up an issue of deconstruction of paradigmatic versions of 'colonized Pole' and 'bad German', which has been established in Polish literature and social discourse, especially during the period of the Partitions of Poland and the Second World War. It meant the development of the 'hard' model of Polish patriotism, which started to collapse during the period of the 'Solidarity' emigration. Rudnicki and Zaluski are writers, who found themselves in German together with this influx. Their texts take up the discussion with the paradigms of both Germaness and Polishness in their traditional versions, trying to find levels (apatriotic discourse, language, existence), which could weaken difficult historical experiences.
16

Norwid – jaki i dla kogo?

51%
Puzynina J.
Kwartalnik Filozoficzny
|
2014
|
vol. 42
|
issue 4
5-34
EN
According to Cyprian K. Norwid poetry should not be primarily an expression of emotions and moods, but should concern social, moral, or historical issues. The ideas that Norwid expressed in his works, often breaking literary and linguistic conventions, are still valid. His critique of contemporary European culture and Polish society is also important and his ideals of patriotism and Christianity are still valid. Faith should be rational and open, ecumenical. Patriotism is not only the memory of tradition, but a creative undertaking which aims at the moral transformation and liberation of the nation. Social life requires a serious attitude, responsibility, and conscience. Norwid’s world is seen as an organic whole, which combines faith and reason, ordinary life and the nurture of values​​, love and struggle, the sublime and the ordinary.
17

PREMATURE ATTEMPT AT LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IN IRAQI POLITICS (1930 – 1937)

51%
Sorby K. R.
Asian and African Studies
|
2014
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vol. 23
|
issue 2
205 – 225
EN
During the early 1930s a liberal left-wing group named “al-Ahālī” came to being. First, their members made their views public in January 1932. They proposed sweeping social reforms, but hoped to perform their plans by parliamentary methods, without having to resort to violent means. They did not call for a class struggle, and recognized the value of the institutions of the family and religion and supported patriotism (al-waṭanīya) against nationalism (al-qawmīya). The leading members of this association established the Baghdad Club, a cultural centre where the members treated different themes and drew into debate people from widely varying background. There were differences of opinion between them as to whether or not a political party should be established. Originally they saw their main task as general cultural work to combat illiteracy. However, the group became more radical in 1934 – 1935 and it was joined by some communists. It also established contacts with some of the older politicians who favoured reforms, such as Ḥikmat Sulaymān, who had been much impressed by the work of Kemal Atatürk in Turkey. By October 1936, full agreement had been reached between those, who prepared the military coup. With the overthrow of the government, the first short-lived coalition supported by the liberal and left-centre forces in Iraq was installed.
18
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„WOLNE ORŁY”

41%
Szostak K.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2016
|
vol. 42
|
issue 1 (159)
217-237
PL
Artykuł przedstawia pięcioletnią działalność „Wolnych Orłów” (1967–1972) w New Britain w stanie Connecticut. Organizacja ta została utworzona przez Józefa Kleszczyńskiego, Gabriela Piotrowskiego, Ernesta Bijowskiego, a na jej czele stanął podpułkownik Leonard Zub-Zdanowicz. Celem jej było zwalczanie propagandy komunistycznej, nieuznawanie legalności władzy PRL oraz zerwanie wszelkich oficjalnych kontaktów z jej przedstawicielami. W swoim gronie chcieli skupić osoby, które rozumiały groźbę ekspansji komunizmu. Symbolem organizacji stał się Orzeł Biały w koronie z łańcuchem i kulą u nogi. Zdaniem członków przywrócenie podstawowych praw i wolności dla obywateli polskich było możliwe tylko dzięki obaleniu władzy komunistycznej poprzez stworzenie Federacji Państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Organizacja „Wolne Orły” przez okres dwóch lat wydawała w języku polskim biuletyn „Ku Wolności”. Była to pierwsza swego rodzaju gazeta w Hartford (Connecticut) skierowana do młodego pokolenia polskiego, przebywającego poza granicami kraju. Oprócz biuletynu wydawano różnego rodzaju odezwy skierowane do środowiska polonijnego w Stanach Zjednoczonych. W początku lat 70. XX w. na skutek prowokacji i donosów do władz policyjnych organizacja „Wolne Orły” stała się ofiarą przewlekłych inwigilacji i dochodzeń. Oskarżenia te przyczyniły się do jej rozwiązania i zakończenia działalności.
EN
The article presents the activities of the “Free Eagles” (1967–1972) in New Britain, Connecticut. The organization was created by Joseph Kleszczyński, Gabriel Piotrowski, Ernest Bijowski, and was headed by Lieutenant Colonel Leonard Zub-Zdanowicz. Its purpose was to combat communist propaganda, disprove the legality of communist power, and to breakdown of all official contacts with the representatives of the communist regime.The group wanted to focus on people who understand the threat of communist expansion. The organization’s symbol became that of a white eagle in a crown with a chain and a ball and chain. According to the members of the organization, a reintroduction of basic rights and freedoms for Polish citizens was possible only through an overthrow of the communist regime by means of creating the Federation of States of Central and Eastern Europe. For a period of two years the “Free Eagles” published a Polish-language newsletter entitled “Towards Freedom”. It was the first of its kind newspaper in Hartford, Connecticut addressed to the young generation of Poles residing abroad. In addition to the newsletter, the organization issued various proclamations addressed to the Polish community in the United States. In the early 1970s the organization was a victim of chronic surveillance and investigations due to provocations and denunciations to the police.
19
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Ceremonie żałobne nie robią się tylko dla zmarłego, bo ten już czuć zaprzestał… – o roli tradycji pogrzebowych i upamiętnianiu zmarłych na emigracji w praktyce dydaktyczno-wychowawczej Szkoły Polskiej na Batignolles

31%
Pugacewicz I. H.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2019
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vol. 45
|
issue 2 (172)
255–273
PL
Artykuł prezentuje interesującą, dziewiętnastowieczną formę demonstracji uczuć narodowych, jaką był polski pogrzeb na emigracji. Przyjmował często formę patriotycznej manifestacji i w sposób naturalny, niejako mimowolnie, okazał się ważnym elementem działalności Szkoły Polskiej na Batignolles. Uchwycenie roli ceremoniału pochówkowego w patriotycznej dydaktyce największej dziewiętnastowiecznej polskiej placówki edukacyjnej na Zachodzie, to ukazanie zupełnie nieznanej sfery emigracyjnego wychowania. Uczestnictwo polskich dzieci i młodzieży w pogrzebach, jak i związanych z nimi, wypracowywanych przez lata zwyczajach, wpisało się na stałe do szeroko rozumianego programu wychowawczo-dydaktycznego szkoły, świadczyło o odrębności obyczajowo-etnicznej polskiej diaspory wobec francuskiej kultury, uczyło historii i polskich tradycji, wzmacniało poczucie polskiej identyfikacji narodowej. Poprzez cykliczne odbywane żałoby, procesje i tym podobne manifestacje kształtowały się elementy tożsamości batignolskiej młodzieży typowe dla przedstawicieli polskiej diaspory. Ukazanie wagi i trwałości takiego patriotycznego, a zarazem „żałobnego” wychowania uzmysławia rolę pozalekcyjnej edukacji w konstruowaniu i przekazywaniu trwałej identyfikacji narodowej kolejnym pokoleniom wychowywanym na emigracji.
EN
The article presents a novel, previously unused, form of the demonstration of national feelings, namely the Polish funeral in exile. Like a special form of a patriotic manifestation in a seemingly natural way, somehow involuntarily, it transpires to be an important element of the work of the Polish school at Batignolles. The presentation of the role of the burial ceremonies in the pedagogical practice of the largest Polish educational institution in the West, is a presentation of a completely unknown sphere of emigrant teaching. Both the funeral itself and the customs which were developed over the years, became a permanent part of the Batignol educational and didactic program. They have influenced the cultural and ethnic identity of the youngest diaspora, taught history and Polish customs, and strengthened the sense of national dignity. Through the periodic mourning, processions and similar manifestations, the typical young emigrant’s identity has been shaped. By showing the importance and durability of such a patriotic and sorrowful education, it is possible to present the role of the school and its extracurricular education in constructing and transferring the permanent national identification to subsequent generations brought up in exile.
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