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Dynamic targets in the acquisition of L2 English vowels

100%
Schwartz G., Aperliński G., Kaźmierski K., Weckwerth J.
Research in Language
|
2016
|
vol. 14
|
issue 2
181-202
EN
This paper presents acoustic data on the dynamic properties of the FLEECE and TRAP vowels in the speech of two groups of Polish users of English. Results reveal that the more proficient group users, made up of teachers and professors with professional-level proficiency in English, produce more dramatic patterns of formant movement, reminiscent of native productions, than first year students. It is argued that vowel inherent spectra change (VISC) is an inherent aspect of English phonology, originated in interactions between vowels and neighboring consonants, and later generalized to the vowel system as a whole. By contrast, Polish is a language with a minimal role of VISC. Consequently, successful acquisition of L2 English vowels involves not only the mastery of vowels in F1-F2 space, but also formant trajectories over time.
2
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Optimality Theoretic Analysis of Non-Rhoticity in English

88%
Ostalski P.
Research in Language
|
2007
|
vol. 5
109-133
EN
The paper intends to describe various rhotic phenomena within a unified phonological framework of Optimality Theory. This description encompasses "standard" rhotic phenomena, such as linking and intrusive r. Additionally both hyper- and hypo-rhoticity are discussed. The paper serves primarily two points. First, it proves practical workability of constraint mechanism, as proposed by Optimality Theory. Second, it presents an integrated account of seemingly unrelated phonological facts observed in various accents of English.The paper discusses also previous accounts of rhoticity in English in connection with an attempt of presenting solid evidence for the choice of underlying forms. Furthermore two competing theoretical descriptions of rhotic insertions (epenthesis vs. gliding/spreading) are compared and evaluated. Finally, the spreading account is shown to be formally superior to the anti-hiatus approach.Moreover, the paper demonstrates a way in which r-liaison might be incorporated in the synchronic grammar of non-rhotic accents. Simply put, r-liaison could be perceived as another instantiation of VSpread conspiracy, where vowels tend to spread their melodic content onto the following segments. The OT machinery was also employed to account for the differences between various subtypes of non-rhotic accents, in terms of re-ranking of several constraints. The peculiar phenomena of hyper-rhoticity have, too, been demonstrated to fit the proposal.
3
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Optimality Theoretic Analysis of Non-Rhoticity in English

88%
Ostalski P.
Research in Language
|
2007
|
vol. 5
109-133
EN
The paper intends to describe various rhotic phenomena within a unified phonological framework of Optimality Theory. This description encompasses “standard” rhotic phenomena, such as linking and intrusive r. Additionally both hyper- and hypo-rhoticity are discussed. The paper serves primarily two points. First, it proves practical workability of constraint mechanism, as proposed by Optimality Theory. Second, it presents an integrated account of seemingly unrelated phonological facts observed in various accents of English. The paper discusses also previous accounts of rhoticity in English in connection with an attempt of presenting solid evidence for the choice of underlying forms. Furthermore two competing theoretical descriptions of rhotic insertions (epenthesis vs. gliding/spreading) are compared and evaluated. Finally, the spreading account is shown to be formally superior to the anti-hiatus approach. Moreover, the paper demonstrates a way in which r-liaison might be incorporated in the synchronic grammar of non-rhotic accents. Simply put, r-liaison could be perceived as another instantiation of VSPREAD conspiracy, where vowels tend to spread their melodic content onto the following segments. The OT machinery was also employed to account for the differences between various subtypes of non-rhotic accents, in terms of re-ranking of several constraints. The peculiar phenomena of hyper-rhoticity have, too, been demonstrated to fit the proposal.
4
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Syllable Structure of Ukrainian. An Ot Perspective

88%
Czaplicki B.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics
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2007
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vol. 43
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issue 2
23-41
EN
This paper aims at presenting an OT account of the basic syllable structure of Ukrainian. Among the specifically Ukrainian syllable-driven processes that are considered are onset maximisation, prothesis, voice assimilation, as well as the behaviour of clusters of obstruents agreeing and disagreeing in voicing, sonority plateaus and extrasyllabic sonorants. Optimality Theory is shown to successfully handle dialectal variation in the application of prothesis, as well as the transparency effects in voice assimilation.
5
Content available remote

Phonology, Naturalness and Universals

88%
Maddieson I.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics
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2009
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vol. 45
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issue 1
131-140
EN
This paper briefly surveys several conceptions of naturalness in phonology, touching primarily on typological frequency and the notion of "phonetic motivation". It is argued that typological frequency is not a reliable indicator of what is "phonetically motivated" as relative frequency patterns are the outcomes of more complex interactions, including non-phonetic factors. Phonetic motivations are diverse and include random variations, not only deterministic results, as is often desired. Models that view phonological patterns as emerging from complex interactions of a variety of natural factors are the most satisfying.
6

Systemowe zmiany fonologiczne w języku prasłowiańskim a rozwój nosówek i jat’

75%
Pianka W.
Rocznik Slawistyczny
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2008
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vol. 57
57-74
EN
In Slavic linguistics, it was commonly accepted from the beginning of the 19th century that the oral articulation of Old Church Slavonic nasal vowels didn’t differ from the articulation of the oral vowels o and e. This opinion was probably based on the fact that the only language that had retained nasal vowels — the Polish language — had this kind of articulation. It was believed that the Old Church Slavonic language didn’t differ much from the Proto-Slavic language, and this articulation was accepted for the reconstruction of the phonology of that language. The vowel jat’ (ě) was treated as an open e, which in some languages and dialects has developed in certain environments into a (Polish and Bulgarian), in other cases into e (this change operated also as an environmentally unconditioned one in Serbian, Macedonian, Russian and Belarusian), but also into i (in the Ukrainian language and Croatian dialects), into the diphthong ie / je (in Croatian), or has remained a distinct close phoneme (<ě> in Sorbian languages). The back nasal vowel has in most of the languages changed into u, but in some of them into o (Slovenian), into ǎ <ъ> (Bulgarian) and further into a (Macedonian). The front nasal vowel changed into e (in the remaining South Slavic languages) or into a (East Slavic languages, Upper Sorbian and initially Czech and Slovak), whereas in Lower Sorbian it merged with the jat’ reflexes. In literary Polish, (after long and short nasal vowels had merged) since the 16th century, we have reflexes articulated as e (<ę>) and o (<ą>). The views concerning the articulation of nasal vowels and jat’ begun to change under the influence of G.Y. Shevelov’s works (1964), which — based on previous borrowings of Slavic words into non-Slavic languages and vice-versa — marked a significant turning point in views on the phonology of the Late Proto-Slavic period. The dialectal materials (taken mainly form works published in connection to the Slavic Linguistic Atlas — OLA) presented in this paper enable a preliminary revision of the views concerning the realisation of Early Proto-Slavic nasal vowels and diphthongs, from which jat’ derived. In nearly the entire South Slavic area, a figures among the reflexes of the front nasal vowel and of jat’, which points to the common development of Proto-Slavic front diphthongs (containing i and nasal vowels), and therefore to an open articulation of the initial jat’. Therefore the so called jat’ umlaut (in Bulgarian or Polish) is not an umlaut, but the original pronunciation before non-palatal consonants. The parallel development of back diphthongs (containing u as well as and nasal vowels) is even more visible: in case of diphthongs containing u, on the entire area, and where the nasal diphthongs are concerned, covering the great majority of Slavic dialects and languages.
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