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1

The Poetics of Mind and Matter: Some Remarks on Ancient Images and Imagination

100%
Thein K.
Eirene. Studia Graeca et Latina
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2015
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vol. 51
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issue 1-2
303-334
EN
Discussing two recent monographs (STIJN BUSSELS, The Animated Image: Roman Theory on Naturalism, Vividness and Divine Power, and ANNE SHEPPARD, The Poetics of Phantasia: Imagination in Ancient Aesthetics), the review essay develops some salient points made by both authors, especially regarding the relation of images, material and mental alike, to the power and activity of imagination. It suggests that ancient authors tend to connect the much-discussed issue of the animated images to precisely this activity, which typically operates on the borderlines between the sensible world and its intellectual reflection. The latter need not acquire the shape of a theory: it can as well, perhaps better, translate back into the imaginative activity of the arts themselves. To show in more detail how this imaginative process works, the essay choses one text that speaks about painting, and another that treats sculpture. In the first case (which elaborates upon Bussels’ book), the focus is on Pliny’s Historia naturalis XXXV and its discourse on how the origins of art that will become painting consist in constructing an absent life, be it one imprinted in the ancestral portraits (imagines), or one evoked through a subtly traced silhouette. In the second case (which finds its point of departure in Sheppard’s book), the essay revisits Flavius Philostratus’ Life of Apollonius of Tyana and its discourse on phantasia, with a special concern for Phidias’ statue of Zeus at Olympia. It concludes that, pace Sheppard and others, Philostratus’ dealing with imagination and the arts need not assume the Neoplatonic filiation. In its conclusions, the essay submits that both material images and verbally induced visualizations reveal themselves as images only if we recognize their power to animate our consciousness of not only the world, but ourselves as human beings.
2
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Colonia Flaviopolis (Plin. HN 4, 47), czyli kilka uwag na marginesie nazewnictwa rzymskich kolonii w okresie cesarstwa

86%
Jurkowski M.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2023
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issue 25
157-169
EN
The article examines the validity of the view which challenges Pliny the Elder’s information concerning the existence of the colony of Flaviopolis on the Thracian Chersonesus, arguing that its name was unusual for a colony. The author discusses situations in which the title of the colony could have been combined with local place names ending in -polis. Furthermore, attention is drawn to the peculiar character of Natural History as a source for toponomastic research and the fact that the latter work also mentions the colony of Flaviobrica, whose name seems interesting given the doubts surrounding the legal status of the Thracian Flaviopolis.
3
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Menstruacja w starożytności grecko-rzymskiej, żydowskiej i chrześcijańskiej

81%
Dźwigała K.
Przegląd Nauk Historycznych
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2020
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vol. 19
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issue 2
233-243
EN
The aim of the text is to present the perception of menstruation in antiquity in the Graeco-Roman, Jewish and Christian worlds, where the starting point is the pericope on the woman with the blood flow in the Gospels. First, there are examples of statements and views of the Roman and Greek authors about menstruating women. Then sources are presented about the situation of women menstruating and suffering from the abnormal blood flow among Jews, including the scene from the Gospels mentioned above. The third part of the article concerns the view of Christian authors about the issue whether women who have menstruation should be excluded from religious life.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie postrzegania menstruacji w starożytności w świecie grecko-rzymskim, żydowskim oraz chrześcijańskim, gdzie punktem wyjścia jest ewangeliczna perykopa o kobiecie cierpiącej na upływ krwi. Najpierw pojawiają się przykłady wypowiedzi i poglądów na temat przeżywających krwawienie miesięczne kobiet autorów rzymskich i greckich. Następnie zaprezentowane zostają źródła dotyczące sytuacji kobiet przeżywających menstruację oraz cierpiących z powodu chorobliwego upływu krwi wśród żydów, w tym wspomniana scena z Ewangelii. Trzecia część artykułu dotyczy opinii pisarzy chrześcijańskich na temat tego, czy kobiety mające menstruację powinny być wykluczone z życia religijnego.
4

Ze Slovníku středověké latiny: sporcia

72%
Šedinová H.
Listy filologické (Folia philologica)
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2017
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vol. 140
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issue 1-2
233-245
EN
The main aim of this article is to identify the origin and meaning of one Latin zoological term in the work of Czech medieval lexicographer Bartholomaeus de Solencia dictus Claretus. The name sporcia, included in the Glossary’s chapter De piscibus and accompanied by the Czech equivalent veprzik (piglet), originates most likely from the classical Latin name porcus marinus. This name, denoting a marine animal with the appearance or behaviour of land pig, appears in several ancient and medieval scientific writings, including the encyclopaedia Liber de natura rerum of Thomas of Cantimpré, an important source for Claretus. In ancient and medieval texts, the same term usually stands for both land and sea animals: porcus – porcus marinus; equus – equus marinus; vacca – vacca marina; lepus – lepus marinus; hirundo – hirundo maris; mus – mus marinus; vipera – vipera maris etc. Claretus, perhaps in an effort to compensate for the lack of the adjective marinus or maris, sets both groups apart by applying phonetic and morphological changes, the most important of which would be the change of gender. Therefore, in Czech medieval context, all the sea counterparts of land animals get their specific names (such as sporcia, equida, vaccus, lepo, yrundia, muria, vipperus), not found in any other medieval sources.
5

Ze Slovníku středověké latiny: fele a furion

72%
Šedinová H.
Listy filologické (Folia philologica)
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2013
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vol. 136
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issue 3-4
475-486
EN
The purpose of this article is to identify the origin and meaning of two Latin zoological terms in the works of Thomas of Cantimpré and Czech medieval lexicographer Bartholomaeus de Solencia dictus Claretus. Both works employ names of animals that are extremely difficult to interpret both semantically and linguistically and whose Greek or Latin origin is not immediately clear. Most of them are attached to animals the description of which Thomas claims to be derived from Aristotle or Pliny the Elder. Thomas used the Latin translation of the Aristotle’s work Historia animalium translated from Arabic by Michael Scotus. Due to phonetical differencies between these languages as well as inaccuracies and mistakes in both translations, the text of Aristotle and the forms of the original Greek names were variously modified. Aristotle’s term ai[louro", denoting the wildcat (Felis silvestris Schreber) or the housecat (Felis silvestris cattus Linné), appears at Michael Scotus in the form furoniorum (gen. pl.), at Thomas of Cantimpré in the form furionz and at Claretus as furion; the same animal is also referred by the second analysed term feles, taken by Thomas of Cantimpré from Pliny the Elder’s Naturalis historia; it appears in the work of Claretus in the form fele.
6

Astronomiczne zagadki w Historii naturalnej Pliniusza Starszego. Gajusz Pliniusz Sekundus, Historia naturalna. T. I: Kosmologia i geografia, księgi II–VI, tekst, wstęp, tłum. i komentarz I. Mikołajczyk, N. Rataj, E. Twarowska-Antczak, K. Antczak, red. I. Mikołajczyk, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UMK, Toruń 2017, ss. 759. Gajusz Pliniusz Sekundus, Historia naturalna. T. II: Antropologia i zoologia, księgi VII–XI, tekst, wstęp, tłum. i komentarz I. Mikołajczyk, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UMK, Toruń 2019, ss. 674.

72%
Jóźwicka M.
Kwartalnik Historii Nauki i Techniki
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2020
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vol. 65
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issue 4
147–161
EN
The article presents selected problems related to the Latin-Polish critical edition of the first two volumes of the Natural History by Pliny the Elder. With regard to several passages from this ancient encyclopedia, which are important for the history of astronomy, the text pinpoints the insufficiency and some inaccuracies in the scientific commentary to the second book on cosmology, both in terms of content and sources. On the selected examples from the second volume, pertaining to anthropology and zoology, the article criticizes – in comparison to previous Polish translations – the text of the new one, which is sometimes significantly inconsistent with the Latin original.
7

Ze staročeského slovníku: Klaretův oměk nebo úmek

72%
Voleková K.
Listy filologické (Folia philologica)
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2019
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vol. 142
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issue 3-4
447-461
EN
The main aim of the article is to reconstruct the form and meaning of the Old Czech equivalent of the Latin term molus preserved in the manuscript of Claretus’ Glossarius in the chapter De piscibus in two forms, vmek and omek. Two different interpretations are possible. They are based on a description of the fishes mulus and mullus, both identified with some uncertainty as a mullet by modern scholars, in the encyclopaedia Liber de natura rerum of Thomas of Cantimpre, a main source for Claretus, as far as zoological terms, especially fish names, are concerned. The first interpretation is based on the Medieval etymology of Isidorus of Sevilla, that mullus is allegedly derived from the Latin adjective mollis “soft”, thus Claretus in all probability connected it with Old Czech měkky “soft”and created the new word oměk with the secondary form uměk. The second interpretation is inspired by the sliding movement of a mullet on the seabed, where a mullet can find seaweed, bivalves, and mud (the description of the food of the mullet comes from Pliny the Elder). The Old Czech umek with the secondary form omek is identified as a derivative of the unpreserved verb *umknuti, which belongs to the Slavonic verbal family mъčati, (s)mъkno˛ti, (s)mykati “to slide, to move fast or suddenly”.
8
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Słoń Pliniusza

58%
Sapota T.
Zoophilologica. Polish Journal of Animal Studies
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2021
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issue 7
1-12
RU
В основе этой статьи лежит концепция взаимоотношений между людьми и животными, выдержанная в русле философии стоиков. Стоики предполагали человеческое господство над другими существами и считали, что человеческая гегемония не может быть ограничена нормами справедливости. Отрывок из Естественной истории – рассказ о слонах – служит материалом для исследования того, в какой степени Плиний согласился с этим убеждением стоиков.
EN
As a point of departure, article presents the Stoic understanding of human-animal relationships: the Stoic philosophers presupposedhuman dominance over other creatures, which excluded the norms of justice as a means of limiting the human hegemony. On the basis of an excerpt from Pliny’s Natural History, which recounts a story of elephants, Tomasz Sapota examines the extent to which Pliny accepted this view of the Stoics.
PL
Tłem rozważań podjętych w tym artykule jest stoicka koncepcja relacji między ludźmi i zwierzętami. Stoicy zakładali panowanie ludzi nad pozostałymi istotami i uważali, że hegeminia człowieka nie może być ograniczana przez normy sprawiedliwości. Passus z Historii naturalnej – opowieść o słoniach – służy jako materiał do zbadania, w jakim stopniu Pliniusz zgadzał się z tym przekonaniem.
9
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Wine and Myrrh as Medicaments or a Commentary on Some Aspects of Ancient and Byzantine Mediterranean Society

58%
Rzeźnicka Z., Kokoszko M.
Studia Ceranea
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2019
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vol. 9
615-655
EN
The present study has resulted from a close reading of prescriptions for therapeutic wines inserted in book V of De materia medica by Pedanius Dioscorides, the eminent expert in materia medica of the 1st century A.D. The authors emphasise the role of wine varieties and selected flavourings (and especially of myrrh) in order to determine the social status of those to whom the formulas were addressed. This perspective gives the researchers ample opportunity for elaborating not only on the significance of wine in medical procedures but also for underscoring the importance of a number of aromatics in pharmacopoeia of antiquity and Byzantium. The analysis of seven selected formulas turns out to provide a fairly in-depth insight into Mediterranean society over a prolonged period of time, and leads the authors to draw the following conclusions. First, they suggest that medical doctors were social-inequality-conscious and that Dioscorides and his followers felt the obligation to treat both the poor and the rich. Second, they prove physicians’ expertise in materia medica, exemplifying how they were capable of adjusting market value of components used in their prescriptions to financial capacities of the patients. Third, the researchers circumstantiate the place of medical knowledge in ancient, and later on in Byzantine society. Last but not least, they demonstrate that medical treatises are an important source of knowledge, and therefore should be more often made use of by historians dealing with economic and social history of antiquity and Byzantium.
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