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Aleksander Lednicki i los jego środowiska, polonii w Rosji, na przełomie XIX i XX wieku jako zwierciadło przemian polskiego pola władzy

100%
Zarycki T.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2013
|
issue 42
67-82
EN
The paper deals with the phenomenon of waning memory of the Polish economic elite in the late Russian Empire. It is related to the disappearance of the memory of the liberal political movement of the Polish political scene before the First World War. Mechanisms of these processes of forgetting are related to the theory of Pierre Bourdieu, in particular it is argued that the liberal Polish elite of the Russian Empire could be defined as economic-capital-based elite. Its rivals, both socialists led by Piłsudski and National-Democrats led by Dmowski, classical intelligentsia figures, could be seen as leaders of the cultural capital-based elites. As it is argued, the intelligentsia was in many ways a benefactor of the Bolshevik Revolution, which deprived the Polish economic elite of most of their capitals and led to its political marginalization. In effect the intelligentsia was able to impose its values and social hierarchies on the modern Polish national identity, which ever since is defined in terms largely unrelated to the economic logic. These mechanisms privilege memory of the intellectual figures and freedom-fighters in the mainstream canons of Polish history. A closer look at the forgotten economic and political Polish elite of the late Russian Empire allows to point out to several arbitrary elements in the dominant readings of the Polish and Russian history in contemporary Poland. They are illustrated in the paper on the example of the biography of Aleksander Lednicki, a prominent politician and lawyer, leader of the Polish community in Moscow until 1918.
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Aleksander Lednicki i los jego środowiska, Polonii w Rosji, na przełomie XIX i XX wieku jako zwierciadło przemian polskiego pola władzy

80%
Zarycki T.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2013
|
issue 42
EN
Aleksander Lednicki and the fate of his milieu of the Polish community in Russia at the turn of the 20th cent. as a mirror of the transformations of the Polish field of powerThe paper deals with the phenomenon of waning memory of the Polish economic elite in the late Russian Empire. It is related to the disappearance of the memory of the liberal political movement of the Polish political scene before the First World War. Mechanisms of these processes of forgetting are related to the theory of Pierre Bourdieu, in particular it is argued that the liberal Polish elite of the Russian Empire could be defined as economic-capital-based elite. Its rivals, both socialists led by Piłsudski and National-Democrats led by Dmowski, classical intelligentsia figures, could be seen as leaders of the cultural capital-based elites. As it is argued, the intelligentsia was in many ways a benefactor of the Bolshevik Revolution, which deprived the Polish economic elite of most of their capitals and led to its political marginalization. In effect the intelligentsia was able to impose its values and social hierarchies on the modern Polish national identity, which ever since is defined in terms largely unrelated to the economic logic. These mechanisms privilege memory of the intellectual figures and freedom-fighters in the mainstream canons of Polish history. A closer look at the forgotten economic and political Polish elite of the late Russian Empire allows to point out to several arbitrary elements in the dominant readings of the Polish and Russian history in contemporary Poland. They are illustrated in the paper on the example of the biography of Aleksander Lednicki, a prominent politician and lawyer, leader of the Polish community in Moscow until 1918.
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The Jewish Question in Wiadomości Literackie (1924–1939)

80%
Kruszniewska J.
Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia
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2011
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vol. 9
137-158
EN
Being one of the leading cultural and literary periodicals, Wiadomości Literackie [“Literary News”] played an important role in shaping the literary tastes of members of the Polish intelligentsia, and was a peculiar institution in literary life itself. The primary goal assumed by the journal was to elevate the level of Polish culture and literature and to present the most recent phenomena of European culture to its readers. Starting from the first issue published on January 6, 1924, the weekly declared war on any phenomena that its editors considered parochial. It would have certain, significant consequences in the future, especially in relation to the Jewish issues presented by the periodical. The publisher’s brochure announcing the first issue of the periodical was published in December 1923, and contained an outline of Wiadomości Literackie. The weekly was addressed to a wide readership, which was meant to trigger free discussion on matters of Polish literary life, lead to its growth and stimulate the newborn movements in art. The periodical was meant to present reliable information and objective evaluation of various phenomena.
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Ksyloteki, czyli patroszenie lasu

57%
Arendt A.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Poetica
|
2020
|
vol. 8
215-229
EN
Taking as a starting point the German tradition of creating xylotheques, i.e. libraries containing wood samples disguised as books, I recall the biography of Wiktor Kozłowski (1791–1858), the first Polish creator of xylotheques, forester, collector and author of dictionaries of forest terminology against the backdrop of the history of the organisation of the governmental forest service in the Kingdom of Poland. I put forward the thesis that the reorganisation of forestry in the spirit of the Enlightenment’s project of dominating nature caused anxiety, which found expression, among other places, in Karol  Kurpiński’s opera Leśniczy z Kozienickiej Puszczy [The Forester from the Kozieniecka Primeval Forest]. In the first half of the 19th century, the figure of the “young” and “old” forester was juxtaposed, already heralding the rift between the Enlightenment and romantic approaches to the natural world. Wiktor Kozłowski’s xylotheques represent the Enlightenment approach – related to the passion for cataloguing, preparing and objectifying as tools of control over the natural world.
PL
Obierając za punkt wyjścia niemiecką tradycję tworzenia ksylotek, czyli bibliotek zawierających próbki drewna ucharakteryzowane na książki, przypominam biografię Wiktora Kozłowskiego (1791–1858), pierwszego polskiego twórcy ksylotek, leśnika, kolekcjonera i autora słowników terminologii leśnej na tle historii organizacji rządowej służby leśnej w Królestwie Polskim. Opisuję, jak reorganizacja leśnictwa w duchu oświeceniowego projektu dominacji nad przyrodą wywołała niepokój, który znalazł wyraz między innymi w operze Karola Kurpińskiego Leśniczy z Kozienickiej Puszczy. W pierwszej połowie XIX wieku zestawiano postaci „młodego” i „starego” leśniczego, zapowiadające rozdźwięk między oświeceniowym i romantycznym podejściem do świata przyrody. Ksyloteki Wiktora Kozłowskiego reprezentują podejście oświeceniowe – związane z pasją katalogowania, preparowania i obiektywizowania jako narzędzi kontroli.
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Zaangażowanie kobiet w problemy społeczne w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym w Polsce na wybranych przykładach

51%
Skotnicka-Palka M.
UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
|
2022
|
vol. 22
|
issue 1
80-101
EN
The article presents the profiles and activities of a few selected women, social activists from the interwar period in Poland. They came from various backgrounds, they were active in many fields, but also offered and directed their help to various groups of people. They were all connected by their work done out of sense of duty and even understood as a mission towards people who were in need. Their possibilities were different. Michalina Mościcka and Aleksandra Piłsudska were the wives of notable politicians. They both acted as community workers before their husbands ’political careers took off, and likewise while they were in public office. Olga Małkowska from the Drahonowski family participated in the establishment of the scouting movement in Poland, promoted its spread in society, and at the same time saw and reacted to problems that Poles faced right after the state regained independence. She was socially involved, inter alia, in taking care of poor children. Dr. Justyna Budzyńska-Tylicka was a doctor, a pioneer in promoting women’s hygiene and health. She noticed the problems of the poorest women related to the issue of family planning, which led her to engage in social and educational activities in rural and working-class communities. The writer Irena Krzywicka was also active in this field. Zofia Solarzowa, on the other hand, took the work in the social field from home. Following the example of the activities of her adoptive parents, she felt the need to continue their work, engaging in the cooperative movement, thus educating future social activists. The activities of all these women could be treated as a new form of patriotism, meant not through armed, military struggle, but through broadly understood work aimed at strengthening the Polish state, reborn after 123 years of captivity.
PL
W artykule zaprezentowano sylwetki i działalność kilku wybranych kobiet, aktywistek społecznych z dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Wywodziły się one z różnych środowisk, działały na wielu polach, kierowały swą pomoc do rozmaitych grup osób. Wszystkie łączyła praca wykonywana w poczuciu obowiązku, a nawet misji wobec potrzebujących. Ich możliwości działania były różne. Michalina Mościcka i Aleksandra Piłsudska były żonami polityków. Obie pracowały społecznie, zanim ich mężowie zrobili kariery polityczne, jak też w trakcie pełnienia przez nich funkcji publicznych. Olga Małkowska z Drahonowskich uczestniczyła w tworzeniu skautingu na ziemiach polskich, promowała ideę harcerską w społeczeństwie, a jednocześnie dostrzegała problemy, z którymi zmagali się Polacy tuż po odzyskaniu przez kraj niepodległości. Angażowała się społecznie, m.in. otaczając opieką niezamożne dzieci. Dr Justyna Budzińska-Tylicka była lekarką, pionierką propagowania higieny i zdrowia kobiecego. Dostrzegła problemy najuboższych kobiet związane z kwestią planowania rodziny, co skłoniło ją do zaangażowania się w działalność społeczną i oświatową w środowiskach wiejskich i robotniczych. Na tym polu aktywna była również pisarka Irena Krzywicka. Zofia Solarzowa potrzebę działalności na niwie społecznej wyniosła z domu. Wzorując się na aktywności swoich przybranych rodziców, czuła potrzebę kontynuowania ich pracy, angażując się na rzecz ruchu spółdzielczego, wychowując w ten sposób przyszłych działaczy społecznych. Ich aktywność można potraktować jako nową formę patriotyzmu, nie poprzez walkę zbrojną, ale przez szeroko pojętą pracę mającą na celu wzmocnienie odrodzonego po 123 latach niewoli państwa polskiego.
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Lost Capital-the Intelligentsia Current of Underground “Solidarity” in Free Poland

41%
Mielczarek A.
Polish Sociological Review
|
2008
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vol. 163
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issue 3
229-244
EN
This article discusses a study of the present vicissitudes of men and women who were active in the underground publishing movement in the nineteen-eighties. One of the elements of the underground “Solidarity” ideology was civic responsibility and social activity. The author wanted to know whether the one-time conspirators have carried these ideas into free Poland.Hefound that very few former underground activists now work in public institutions. They are disappointed with the outcomes of the transformation which, rather than giving them a sense of agency, are convincing them that former members of the democratic opposition have not been instrumental to the successful development of a new, democratic state. The one-time activists are also finding it difficult to come to terms with the social costs of the reforms which they feel they co-authored. Most of them have not ceased to be socially active, however, although they no longer speak the language of civic involvement. They feel that the values they lived by in the years of struggle with the communist regime cannot be applied in any way to the political reality of a free country.
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The intelligentsia over the one hundred years of the existence of the Polish state​

41%
Podolska-Meducka A.
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
|
2018
|
issue 3 (35)
179-197
PL
Trudna droga, którą przeszła inteligencja polska od swoich początków aż po czasy współczesne, nauczyła ją strategii przetrwania. Kult wykształcenia, poczucie obowiązku względem innych i odpowiedzialności za państwo pozwoliły jej zapisać się trwale w historii walki o utrzymanie substancji narodowej w różnych okresach. Nawet bardzo osłabiona podczas ostatniej wojny zdołała w latach PRL-u zachować własną tożsamość i stać się wzorem do naśladowania dla „nowej” inteligencji. Po roku 1989, w warunkach tworzącego się w Polsce kapitalizmu, przeszła na pozycje tzw. autorytetów, osób godnych publicznego zaufania i potrafiących myśleć samodzielnie oraz, coraz częściej, bardzo przedsiębiorczych. W nowoczesnym społeczeństwie kapitalistycznym (przez jego część być może nieuświadomiona) jest więc miejsce i potrzeba trwania przez inteligencję przy swoich zasadach i wartościach, które mają pomóc społeczeństwu odnaleźć się w zmieniającym się ciągle świecie.
EN
The difficult path that the Polish intelligentsia has had to tread from its beginnings to modern times has taught it the strategy of survival. The cult of education, a sense of duty towards others and responsibility for the state enabled it to leave a permanent mark in the history of the struggle to maintain the national substance at different times. Although considerably weakened during the last war, in the years of the Polish People’s Republic, it managed to maintain its own identity and to become a role model for the ‘new’ intelligentsia. After 1989, under capitalism that was forming in Poland, it took the role of the so-called authorities – people worthy of public trust and able to think independently and, more often, very entrepreneurial. In a modern capitalist society there is both room and need (of which some may be unaware) for the intelligentsia to stand by its principles and values, which are to help the society to find itself in a constantly changing world.
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O stylu autobiografii żołnierza‑inteligenta (przykład Jana Fudakowskiego)

31%
Tomaszewska W. M.
Perspektywy Kultury
|
2020
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vol. 29
|
issue 2
113-126
EN
The article is the result of research into non-fiction, memoir writing from the period of the 1920 war. On the basis of Uhlan Memoirs from 1920, an autobio­graphical book by Jan Fudakowski, the author considers the problem of speci­ficity and individuality of the war autobiography style. The studied example is an autobiography of a soldier and an educated man. Fudakowski consist­ently assumes a double role of a soldier and an intelligentsia member, both important for his perception and manne of describing the war reality. In the light of his narration, the writer reveals himself as a lover of the prose by Hen­ryk Sienkiewicz, a careful observer and a participant of key battles in the war campaign, and also as a citizen involved in the affairs of the independent Pol­ish Commonwealth. While presenting the autobiographic style of Fudakowski as realized in his memoirs, the author discusses the following thematic orders (systems): (1) the style of intelligentsia identity; (2) the style of presenting bat­tlefields; and (3) the style of thinking about a post-war future. As far as literary theory is concerned, the considerations were based on the works by Philippe Lejeune and Jean Starobinski.
PL
Artykuł jest efektem badań nad prozą niefikcjonalną, wspomnieniową z cza­sów wojny 1920 roku. Na podstawie książki autobiograficznej Jana Fudakow­skiego Ułańskie wspomnienia z roku 1920 autorka rozważa problem swoistości, indywidualności stylu autobiografii wojennej. Jest to autobiografia żołnierza‑inteligenta, gdyż Fudakowski konsekwentnie występuje w podwójnej roli, żołnierza i inteligenta, obydwu ważnych w jego widzeniu i sposobach zapisu rzeczywistości wojennej. W świetle narracji autor ujawnia się jako miłośnik prozy Henryka Sienkiewicza, baczny obserwator i uczestnik bitew kluczo­wych w kampanii wojennej, a także jako obywatel zaangażowany w sprawy niepodległej Rzeczpospolitej. Odsłaniając zrealizowany we wspomnie­niach styl autobiografii, autorka podejmuje następujące zagadnienia: (1) styl inteligenckiej tożsamości; (2) styl przedstawiania pól bitewnych; (3) styl myślenia o powojennej przyszłości. Podstawą teoretycznoliteracką rozważań są prace Philippe’a Lejeune’a i Jeana Starobinskiego.
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