The accession of Poland to the European Union was followed by increased international mobility of the population of our country. Today, several years after May 1, 2004, a wave of returns to Poland is observed. The aim of this analysis is twofold: fi rst, to identify a selective pattern of return migration with regard to the socio-demographic features and geographical directions of mobility, and second, to investigate the impact of migratory experience on the probability of economic activity, employment and unemployment after returning to the Polish labour market. The econometric analysis is based on the Labour Force Survey. The obtained results show that during the period 1999–2009 middle-aged persons, with vocational education, originating from rural areas, choosing traditional destinations (i.e. Germany) were most prone to return to Poland. Migrants had less chances to fi nd employment after their return to Poland than persons who have not undertaken migration, which could result both from a selection of persons experiencing labour market diffi culties and from a negative impact of migration on human and social capital. Contemporary return migration of Polish nationals is not determined by domestic labor market opportunities but by other factors – diffi culties with fi nding employment abroad, reaching one’s migration objectives, and other non-occupational problems, whereas settlement emigration is shaped by pull factors related to the destination countries.
The aim of the article is to analyse various motives and circumstances of return migration present in the narratives of Polish migrants, who grew up abroad and as young adults returned to their country of origin. It shows how the migration experiences in childhood and adolescence may affect subsequent attitudes and plans. I distinguish four types of return migration based on the main motives that guided the interviewees in their decisions: 1) return as a family strategy, 2)sentimental and patriotic return, 3) romantic return, 4) escapist return. Within each type I explain the processes that led to the decision and the expectations which accompanied it. I point out how these depend on: the stage of life in which the migration occurred, its length and nature and the parents’ attitude towards the Polish culture. The article is based on 17 in-depth interviews with Polish return migrants. The interviewees spent all or a significant part of their childhood in different countries of the western cultural sphere. Among them were two individuals who had spent some time in Arabic countries, although they attended international schools. The length of their emigration varied from 6 to 20 years, and the age upon return to Poland was 16 to 27.
Due to the increasing number of Polish migrants we can observe a growing number of people who, after some time spent abroad, decide to return to their country of origin. Consequently, as return migrations are a multifaceted processes, there are many questions about the psychological context of this experience. The following article will constitute an attempt to answer the question about the psychological aspects of the return migrations on the basis of a theoretical review of psychological concepts and research conducted to date. Issues related to the phenomenon of the return culture shock, the role of changes in cultural identity, the expectations related to return, and the role of individual differences will be discussed. This review may be a starting point for further empirical research on return migrants.
Although after 2004 migration studies have become increasingly popular in Poland, the regional aspect of return migration remains a largely unexplored area of research. The fi rst aim of this paper is to conduct a critical review of the studies on return migration at the regional level in Poland. The second aim of our research is an empirical investigation of the determinants of return migration after 2004 in three selected Polish regions: the Dolnośląskie, the Małopolskie, and the Silesian voivodeships. Our results confi rm, to some extent, the general trends of return migration to Poland in the post-accession period, but also show some peculiar characteristics of these processes at the regional level.
Post-accession emigration from Central Europe, and Poland in particular, is an important feature of contemporary migration flows in Europe. While there is now a substantial body of research on Polish migration to the UK exploring one of the largest post-accession flows, there has been less focus on other destination countries. This paper is based on a qualitative study of Polish migrants in Norway, the most common destination country in Scandinavia for post-accession migrants. The paper explores return considerations among Polish migrants in Norway through a three-fold focus: first, exploring the notion of Polish post-accession migration as liquid and temporary; second, questioning the primacy of economic factors in understanding return considerations; and third, adopting a transnational framework for the analysis. The paper argues that work and family considerations are key to migrants’ decision-making processes and experiences, and play out differently depending on highly individual circumstances. Yet, despite the fact that open borders within the EU and EEA area support the notion of «liquid migration», it is found that in migrants’ considerations about return to the country of origin, as in their lived experience, the option of a «life in motion» is not a preferred solution. Rather, for most migrants work and family have to be eventually located in one place: either here, or there.
In the modern history Poland has experienced several waves of return migration. The recent wave is connected to the Polish accession into the European Union and is a result of a general intensification of international mobility of Polish nationals after the May 1st, 2004. According to the Central Statistical Office the scale of returns to Poland is estimated at 580 thousand in the period 2004-2008. However the estimations differ across various sources of estimations which show difficulties in grasping return migration in statistics and in analysis. The comparison (as based on the Polish Labour Force Survey) of socio-demographic characteristics of Polish emigrants and migrants who decided to return to the country of origin shows that the latter are on average older and hold lower level of education. More than every second return migrant doesn't work after return never mind the level of education. The highest unemployment and inactivity is among those with vocational education and no occupation (gymnasium). On the basis of qualitative research it might be concluded that there are two groups of return migrants: those who returned for good after achieving an aim set in advance (for instance obtaining financial resources; it is called intentionally concluded return), and those who did not decide to re-settle down in Poland and take into consideration another migration (called as intentionally unpredictable return). In the case of the latter ones problems with re-adaptation to the Polish social and economic environment after the return seem to be significant.
In this contribution, based on a qualitative research conducted in 2008 – 2009 in Ankara and Antalya (Turkey), return migration from Germany to Turkey is analysed. Different dynamics are elaborated. A central return motive is the worsening situation on the German labour market and considerations concerning a possible improvement of social status in the return context. Main question is, in how far family migration networks are explanatory for a discussion of differences in return and circular migration patterns? Among others a comparison was made concerning 1) motives, values, emotional affiliations (longing for a home) and 2) circumstances resulting in circular migration strategies or reasons for a permanent settlement in the return context, i.e. educational and job opportunities and also marriage. Gender and generational differences were considered. The decision to return or to engage in circular migration strongly depends on the place of residence of the family members and material and immaterial supports provided by the family. Transnational family- and migration networks, the interconnection of different migrant generations, the exchange of different migration experiences and the resulting transfer of economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital has to be mentioned as important. In addition the legal embeddedness in Germany (residence permits, citizenship, welfare benefits, etc.) as well as better chances on the Turkish labour market and better educational opportunities (school/university) in Turkey turned out to be decisive.
The present paper is based on the research project “(Un)easy returns home. The functioning of children and young people returning from emigration”, the main goal of which was to investigate and describe the experience of children from Polish returning migrant families, and specifically to answer the question: What kind of challenges do children from families returning to Poland face when entering the Polish educational system? We conducted qualitative research taking into consideration four perspectives: children, adolescents, parents and teachers. In this paper, we focus on the most important challenges in a new educational context based on the narrations of children, adolescents, parents and teachers and dividing the challenges into three groups: purely educational, socio-cultural and emotional. Finally, we also discuss best practices which proved helpful for children’s adaptation to the new environment and which may be used in the school context.
In this study, we focus on the return of young migrants from abroad. We understand return as one phase in the migration cycle. We show that the experience of living abroad leads to changes in the social behaviour of young people, as well as to changes in the structure of their values in a broader sense. We also reveal that return serves as a catalytic process in which young returnees understand their own changes while living abroad in contrast to the situation in their society of origin. Therefore, the first part of the study presents return as a dynamic process of personal and cultural transformation. The second part of the paper focuses on social remittances which are analysed as sources of innovation in the country of origin. Then, in the third part, we deal with the role of young returning migrants in spreading innovation in families, local communities and in the wider society.
Artykuł powstał w oparciu o pilotażowe badania polskich migrantów powrotnych do kraju dzięki działalności Fundacji „Barka”. Badania przeprowadzone zostały w 2010 roku, wkrótce po tym, jak mężczyźni wrócili do Polski, podczas ich readaptacji połączonej z procesem planowania przyszłości – czy zostać w kraju, wrócić do Anglii czy też migrować gdzieś indziej. Rozmowy koncentrowały się na subiektywnej ocenie wyjazdów, dokonywanej przez samych migrantów, wpływie pracowników „Barki” na podejmowane przez nich decyzje o powrocie, próbie określenia najistotniejszych potrzeb w sytuacji, w której się znaleźli, oraz ocenie usług świadczonych przez organizację po ich powrocie do Polski, jak również ich planów na przyszłość. Prowadzone równolegle wywiady z przedstawicielami organizacji pomocowej odzwierciedlają, jak odmiennie postrzegane mogą być te same wyjazdy zagraniczne z perspektywy migrantów (emic) oraz przez personel zatrudniony przy projekcie (etic).
EN
This article is based on an exploratory study of Polish ‘return’ migrants aided by the Barka Foundation carried out in 2010, shortly after the men were returned to Poland, during the liminal stage of readjustment and decision-making whether to remain in Poland, return to the UK or migrate elsewhere. The interviews centered on the migrants’ assessment of their migration projects, engagement with Barka outreach workers, decision-making processes to return to Poland, assessment of most pressing needs, evaluation of provided services once they returned to Poland, and plans for the future. Discussions with service providers mirrored these themes to compare the emic or insiders’ (migrants’) and etic or outsiders’ (program staff’s) assessment of strategies employed to aid Polish ‘return’ migrants.
W drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku w Starych Juchach mają miejsce dwa równoległe procesy związane z mobilnością przestrzenną: migracje zagraniczne oraz migracje osiedleńcze do Juch. Dotychczasowi mieszkańcy gminy wyjeżdżają do miast oraz za granicę, głównie do Islandii, jednocześnie trwa proces wykupywania działek na Mazurach i osiedlania się tu tymczasowo lub na stałe przybyszów z dużych miast. Obie mobilności zachodzą w Juchach na stosunkowo dużą skalę w porównaniu do innych miejscowości z tego regionu, co skutkuje wyraźną polaryzacją społeczną i przestrzenną. Powstają dwie wiejskie społeczności, których członkowie różnią się habitusami i posiadanymi kapitałami: ekonomicznym, społecznym i kulturowym. W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badania zrealizowanego w latach 2016–17 nt. procesów migracyjnych w gminie Stare Juchy. Jak wynika z badań, emigranci i osoby powracające z emigracji nie są agentami zmian w gminie, coraz większą rolę odgrywają za to nowi mieszkańcy, którzy inwestują w lokalną turystykę, ośrodki terapeutyczne, inicjują rozmaite działania społeczne i są liderami w projektach obywatelskich.
EN
In the second decade of the 21st century the Stare Juchy municipality is undergoing two parallel processes with respect to spatial mobility: migration abroad, and migration of settlers to Juchy. Those who until now inhabited the locality are leaving for the cities or abroad, mainly to Iceland; at the same time, properties in the region are being acquired by people originating from big cities who have chosen to relocate here, either temporarily or permanently. Both forms of mobility take place on a relatively large scale, in comparison with other parts of the region, leading to significant social and spatial polarization. Two different rural communities take shape, with members differing in habitus and possession of economic, social and cultural capital. In the article I present the results of a study carried out in 2016–17 on migration processes in the Stare Juchy municipality. The study shows that emigrants and return emigrants are not agents of change in the municipality, while the new residents play an increasingly important role, by investing in local tourism, centers of therapy, initiating a variety of social activities and performing as leaders of civic projects.
Polska, kraj tradycyjnie emigracyjny, w ostatnim czasie doświadcza powolnej, acz stałej migracji powrotnej. Wśród powracających znaczną liczbę stanowią młode osoby polskiego pochodzenia z krajów byłego ZSRR, które podejmują studia w Polsce. Niniejszy artykuł, bazujący na danych empirycznych o charakterze narracyjnym, jest, po pierwsze, próbą zastosowania koncepcji „migracji do korzeni” do opisu mobilności edukacyjnej młodych członków polskiej diaspory ze Wschodu. Po drugie, odtwarza biograficzny wymiar ich migracji do kraju przodków. Po trzecie, artykuł analizuje wpływ migracji do korzeni na przemiany tożsamości zbiorowej i poczucie przynależności narodowej studentów.
EN
Poland, having been a sending migration country for decades, recently experiences slow albeit consistent return migration. There is a large group of youth of Polish origin from the former USSR states who enrol for higher studies in Poland. Firstly, this autobiographical narrative interviews-based study attempts to apply the “roots migration” concept to young Polish diaspora members’ educational mobility patterns. Secondly, it reconstructs biographical implications of the students’ migration to their ancestral homeland. Thirdly, the article analyses the impact of “roots migration” on the transformation of the students’ collective identity and sense of national belonging.
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