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1

Nie wiemy, czego się uczymy. Esej przeciwko dekretowanej nierówności

100%

Reut M.

Ars Educandi

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2019

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issue 16

43-53

EN

The author departures from the link between the aesthetic and pedagogical in Rancière’s philosophy. In particular she turns to his idea of “emancipation from emancipation”. This conceptual frame is then referred to the phenomenon of the egalitarization of education – erroneously criticised by some. Finally the author refers to the article by Rutkowiak in order to supplement the perspective depicted by Rancière.

PL

Autorka wychodzi od powiązania wymiaru estetycznego i pedagogicznego koncepcji Rancière’a, w szczególności zwracając uwagę na projekt „emancypacji od emancypacji”. Następnie odnosi tę ramę konceptualną do kwestii egalitaryzacji edukacji i, wchodząc w polemikę z krytyką tego zjawiska, odwołuje się do analiz Rutkowiak, aby dzięki nim uzupełnić perspektywę naszkicowaną przez Rancière’a.

2

Política y escritura de frontera en La hija extranjera de Najat El Hachmi: la migrante como paria

90%

Jiménez Gómez C.

Studia Romanica Posnaniensia

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2020

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vol. 47

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issue 1

43-54

PL

The autofictional novel La hija extranjera (2015), by the Catalan-Moroccan author Najat El Hachmi, is linked to the figure of exclusion and to what, in particular, Hannah Arent called “modern pariah”. Her literary writing vindicates a border thinking and the vision of a fragmentary, multiple and plural migrant female subject –contrary to the unitary male hegemonic subject – that shows, in Jacques Rancière’s terms, the close relationship that literature maintains with politics.

3

In Defence of the Political The Crisis of Democracy and the Return of the People from the Perspective of Foucault and Rancière

85%

Błesznowski B.

Polish Sociological Review

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2012

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vol. 179

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issue 3

331-348

EN

Taking as his point of departure the London Tottenham riots, a product of a mob lacking political consciousness and postulates, the author strives to identify the fundamental deadlock (aporia) confronting western parliamentary democracy.Nowadays, collective phenomena are analyzed within a moral-economic frameworkwhich reduces the perspective on society to a sumof individuals. This contradiction is responsible for the reductionism which is leading the latest theories of social and political philosophy to the conclusion that we have reached “the end of politics” and are venturing into the “postpolitical era.” According to this author, rather than describing the essence of the problem, these terms are merely skimming the discursive problem. If, as Foucault would have it, discourse is always a specific practice, the aforementioned reductionism can also be approached as a political strategy. Therefore, in order to grasp the “political” as a feature of the situation in which the people are participants, rather than in substantial terms, the author discusses the theory of development of the modern political subject within the framework of Michel Foucault’s liberal “government” paradigm and Jacques Rancière’s theory of democracy as a proper political element. Drawing upon these two thinkers, he sketches the genealogy of contemporary liberal democracy, stigmatized by the increasing rift between the people’s political activity and the managerial class’s apolitical reproduction.

4

British Sociology, the Bourgeois Media-Sociology Hybrid and the Problem of Social Class

71%

Blackshaw T.

Studia Krytyczne/ Critical Studies

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2016

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issue 3

13-43

EN

This article advances the scandalous argument that we live in a post-social class modernity, and that the perpetual reinvention of class as the key concept for understanding social inequality is untenable. Class is not only a zombie concept but also an ideology that reflects a set of normative attitudes, beliefs and values that pervade sociology. Its starting point is that, sociology, once adept at imagining new ways to interpret the world, has become a subject field that wants to claim a radical space for itself while simultaneously relying on outworn theoretical frameworks and denying the work radicals do. The article begins by suggesting that the problem of class has its roots in the deep structure of sociology. Taking its cue from Jacques Rancière’s classic study The Philosopher and His Poor it develops the argument that if class was once upon a time the fundamental issue in the study of social inequality, today sociology urgently needs an alternative cognitive framework for thinking outside this paradigm which it uses to open up a critical space for its own intellectual claims rather than reflecting society in the round. After arguing that we a living at the ‘end of Class’, the critique explores the limits of the work of Pierre Bourdieu, who has replaced Marx and Weber as sociology’s key theoretician of class. It is argued that in Bourdieu’s sociology, contentment is permanently closed to ‘the working class’ that thumps about like a dinosaur that survived extinction, anachronistic proof of the power and privilege of the theorist and his sociology rather than proof of the usefulness of his ideas. The key to understanding the limits of this interpretation, it is argued, is that it assumes a ‘working class’ that has little or no agency. It is subsequently argued that sociology and the bourgeois media are coextensive. The specific function of the bourgeois media-sociology hybrid is to provide ideological legitimation of class inequality and of integrating individuals into sociology’s interpretation of social and cultural life. Focusing on the work of two self-identified ‘working class’ journalists who have successfully made the transition into the bourgeoisie and who seek solid validation of their new found status in the bourgeois media it is demonstrated that social inequality is neither expressed nor examined in a convincing way. Framing ‘working class’ worlds even more ‘working class’ than ‘working class’, the bourgeois media, at best, lay them bare for clichéd interpretation. Here the article argues vis-à-vis Quentin Skinner that words are not so much mere ‘reflections’ of the world, but ‘engines’ which actively play a role in moulding the worlds to which they refer. Drawing on Rancière’s idea of the partage du sensible (distribution of the sensible) it is argued thereafter that here thinking ends up as the very thought of inequality because by posing social inequality as the primary fact that needs to be explained the bourgeois media-sociology hybrid ends up explaining its necessity. The final part of the article offers some suggestions about how to rethink social inequality after class, and it concludes with the observation that the predicament facing sociology derives not just from its theoretical limits but also from its failure to give social inequality human meaning and the people who suffer it the proper respect by acknowledging their own interpretations of their own lives.

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1 Ars Educandi

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1 Reut M.

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Nie wiemy, czego się uczymy. Esej przeciwko dekretowanej nierówności

Política y escritura de frontera en La hija extranjera de Najat El Hachmi: la migrante como paria

In Defence of the Political The Crisis of Democracy and the Return of the People from the Perspective of Foucault and Rancière

British Sociology, the Bourgeois Media-Sociology Hybrid and the Problem of Social Class